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248  Public religious culture post-09/11/01

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              troubled patriotism,” she notes. As Haas’s analysis demonstrates, objects
              have the capacity to carry complex meanings and associations, connecting
              with the malleability of meaning-making we considered earlier. Miles
              Richardson suggests that the reason for this is that objects have a perma-
              nence that words lack. “In all cases, the objects left are more powerful
              than the words that their givers might have spoken . . . [they] continue to
              speak . . . long after we are gone,” he observes. 43
                The September 11 events thus occurred in a historical trajectory
              defined by prior mediatization of commemoration and mourning, by
              prior experience with a similar event of victimization and loss, and by an
              evolving set of practices that Linenthal calls a “memorial vocabulary,”
              including the sending or leaving of objects including cards, poems,
              flowers, and stuffed toys, particularly teddy bears. Linenthal further notes
              the interesting phenomenon experienced at Oklahoma City as well as at
              Columbine, the tendency for certain people to develop a “presumed inti-
              macy” with victims and their families. It is inescapable that this sense of
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              intimacy is related in some way to the mediated experience of the events.
              Linenthal and Foote also note the emergence of a kind of “democratiza-
              tion” of such events as individuals are able to come to their own ideas
              about how best to participate, and are motivated by the mediated close-
              ness of the events to do so.
                In late modernity, such democratic practice necessarily involves indi-
              vidual autonomy and personal initiative. Gillis connects this rather
              self-consciously to the media age.
                 We are more likely to do our “memory work” at times and places of
                 our own choosing. Whereas there was once “a time and a place for
                 everything,” the distinctions between different kinds of times and
                 places seem to be collapsing. As global markets work around the clock
                 and the speed of communications shrinks our sense of distance, there
                 is both more memory work to do and less time and space to do it in.
                 As the world implodes on us, we feel an even greater pressure as indi-
                 viduals to record, preserve, and collect. 45

              This addresses concerns such as those we attributed to Kenneth Gergen in
              Chapter 2. Gergen holds that in modernity the self has become “satu-
              rated,” with limited prospects for constructive or redemptive action.
              Gergen sees the kind of practices we’re considering here, where people act
              in concrete ways to participate in collective experience, as one source of
              optimism about modernity.

                 The capacity to give life to words, and thus to transform culture, is
                 usefully traced not to internal resources but to relatedness – which
                 serves as the source of all articulation and simultaneously remains
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