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270  Conclusion: what is produced?

              in the context of postmodernity, and Gergen’s concerns about a cultural
              context that seems overwhelming and out of control. From what we’ve
              seen here, it may be that Gergen is overly pessimistic. The range of sources
              of cultural meaning experienced by these interviewees is, indeed, wide,
              even in the less advantaged households. The proliferation of television
              channels, the increasing ubiquity of the Web and Internet, and a range of
              other changes in the media marketplace have put the media at the center of
              this cacophony. At the same time, though, there is a certain logic and orga-
              nization to what these “selves” are up to. And, the mediated “common
              culture” is an important element of this. Certainly, there is a lot that these
              people have to confront, contend with, and sift through. But they do make
              choices and do find ways of describing themselves to themselves and to us
              that make sense in their contexts, and a good deal of this is oriented
              toward what the broader culture looks at and values. At the same time, for
              many of these households ideas and resources out of the domain that has
              interested us the most – religion and spirituality – also provide markers
              and grounding. Whether this is adequate to stabilize the situation Gergen
              laments is beyond the scope of this study.
                We can look at this situation from a different perspective by returning
              to one of our theoretical sources, pragmatism/Interactionism. I proposed
              that an Interactionist approach would conceive of these “narratives of
              self” as negotiations intended to make sense in certain contexts, but also
              to make sense in relation to broader claims, values, idioms, and meanings
              in the culture. Almost by definition, such accounts orient themselves to
              things that are common to the cultural context where they reside. A
              good deal of the material related to media in our narratives here is under-
              standably in the category we’ve been calling “accounts of media” – that
              is, claims and conceptions about the role and positioning of the media and
              of media practice in the wider context of social and cultural values. At the
              same time, though, our interviewees clearly contend with important
              ideas  that come to them  through the media. The passage from Doreen
              Richards at the end of Chapter 9 is an example. In spite of what might
              have been a settled sense of social values concerning homosexuality, she
              connects with a salient program that has helped her (along with direct
              personal experience, of course) to begin to rethink some of these basic
              values.
                Doreen’s account could perhaps be read as an example of how the
              media in late modernity are serving to undermine fundamental social and
              cultural structures and values. At the same time, it seems more clearly to
              be an example of the evolution of values about an important social issue,
              expressed in the central location of the media, articulating with Doreen’s
              own social experience and thus serving as a kind of grounding for her
              evolving beliefs. This is an example of how the “common” might be built
              out of the seeming “cacophony” of the culture. Doreen’s interaction with
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