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Conclusion: what is produced?  283

            themselves in religious, spiritual, and social terms. The underlying logic of
            this tends to be one of fitting these resources, symbols, claims, and values
            into the broader context of a common culture to which they wish to relate
            on some level. This aspired involvement is, of course, differentially realized
            “on the ground,” in lived lives. Many of those we’ve interviewed seem to
            inhabit particular locations, often defined by their religious and spiritual
            ideas and commitments. There are two troubling questions that deserve
            further exploration but are beyond the scope of this study.
              The first of these unresolved questions is the one raised by the ongoing
            scholarly and public discourse concerning “social capital” and participa-
            tion in civil society including the whole question of civic engagement. For
            our interviewees, it does seem that the media continue to present a broader
            “common” context of ideas and values to which they must on some level
            relate. To the extent that they are living in disparate communities of
            commitment, as we noted above, what are the possibilities for them to
            engage in that broader context socially and politically, rather than to
            orient primarily to their “group”? This has large and profound implica-
            tions for democracy and democratic participation in an era marked – as
            we noted in Chapter 9 – by increasing interactions between media, reli-
            gion, and politics.
              The second unresolved question is related to the first, but is somewhat
            more esoteric, rooted as it is in ongoing debates in social theory. It is the
            persistent question of whether what seems to be (and is subjectively taken
            to be) “empowerment” of these individuals to make sense of their own
            lives and take autonomous control over the way that they integrate ideas
            of religion, spirituality, culture, and values is, in fact, “empowering.” It
            could be, as many have argued, that practices of audience meaning-making
            in the media age are, on a fundamental level, a chimera. The resources,
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            after all, are derived from a media culture that operates under its own
            logics, is economically situated in such a way that it must continue to
            ensure its own legitimacy, and has therefore evolved into a context of
            content and audience practice that establishes a sense of autonomy and
            empowerment, but within a very narrow range of options for action in the
            social sphere as a consequence.
              The evidence from our explorations to address each of these residual
            concerns is mixed. Many of our interviewees seemed to move from
            meaning to action in their interactions with media culture. Many also
            engaged at a broader social level to bring their ideas and values to the fore
            in community and civic contexts. At the same time, many did neither of
            these things. In many of the latter cases, there were concrete social and
            economic reasons for their “retreat” from civic engagement and action.
            One learning from the kinds of field research we’ve seen here is the
            complex nature of contemporary life with its competing conditions,
            demands, and pressures. There is little evidence here that the media are
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