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288  Conclusion: what is produced?

              focused religious and spiritual ones. People seem, as we’ve seen, to be able
              to occupy both of these self-understandings with some ease. And, there are
              socially-acceptable ways to do so. In private and interpersonal life there is
              wide social acceptance of watching, and talking about, a range of salient
              media experiences. And the media themselves, including the “news” media,
              support those discourses with increasing coverage of entertainment and
              show business news. At school, at church, synagogue, or mosque, in formal
              settings, and – perhaps most importantly – when answering questions on
              opinion polls, “accounts of media” come easily into play.
                Some residual questions still nag. Primary among these is something we
              have not noted until now – the question of whether the model of religious
              evolution we’ve been relying on here is one that will pertain into the
              future. Roof’s work on “Baby-Boom religiosity” is provocative and
              compelling, and fits well with evolving “new-paradigm” religion scholar-
              ship. In fact, the “Boom” may turn out to be a generational “tipping
              point” of some kind in the evolution of American religion. Certainly,
              dimensions of Boom religiosity that have been most important – the
              dimension of “fluidity vs groundedness,” the centrality of the self, and,
              most importantly, “seeking” or “questing” – seem to be important and
              indicative of the times. It of course remains to be seen whether succeeding
              generations will follow the same path. And, as has been widely noted, the
              tendency for younger people to be even more media-involved than their
              parents means that some of the phenomena we’ve seen here may well
              become more characteristic as time goes on. Among our interviews, the
              children of the household do seem to share with their parents ideas and
              beliefs such as the centrality of the self, suspicion of external authority,
              and the importance of being open to new experiences and insights. As they
              become more and more integrated with their media, things could change
              further. Youth culture has always been, in important ways, media culture
              as well. It is hard to separate these two, and that should also continue to
              be the case as we move into the future.
                A final thought about the relation of this inquiry to debates and ques-
              tions in the broader field of media studies takes us back to some of the
              discussions at the beginning of this book. As I noted there, there has been
              a tendency for media studies to eschew a focus on formal or even informal
              religion. A range of scholars in media studies (we’ve considered James
              Carey, John Fiske, Daniel Dayan, Elihu Katz, and Nick Couldry here,
              among others) have sought to undertake studies of media and things
              related to religion (ritual in the cases of Dayan, Katz, and Couldry). In
              most cases, they have sought to “denature” the implicit or explicit religion
              in the domains under study. Other culturalist scholars have simply not
              looked at religious or religion-like domains very closely. We can now see
              through the lives and reflections of our interviewees a kind of synthesis of
              work on religion or spirituality per se and these broader literatures.
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