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Notes 297
7 I am aware of the contradiction between my use of the term “organic” here and
the classic Durkheimian formulation. What I refer to as “organic” is actually
more related in context and meaning to his notion of “mechanical” solidarity.
8 The primogenitor of all such work is the classic study of the audience for
broadcast religion (Parker et al. 1955).
9 Bruce (1990), Frankl (1987), Hadden and Shupe (1988), Schultze (1990),
Hadden and Swann (1981), Horsfield (1984), Hoover (1988), Peck (1993).
10 Silk (1995), Stout and Buddenbaum (1996), Hoover (1998), Badarracco (2005).
11 This leaves aside the fact that the same tendency can be seen in media scholar-
ship that might reasonably have looked at religion. See, for example, my
arguments in later chapters about the work of Dayan and Katz (1992) and
Fiske (1987) in particular.
12 In Hoover (1988), for example, I outlined the beginnings of an argument about
televangelism that resonates with culturalist media scholarship today: that the
significance of these ministries might well reside in the relation they bore to the
context and history of their viewing more than in some instrumental “effect.”
See also Peck (1993).
13 There is, of course, an important argument that media and religion have never
been separated, that all religions are mediated to some extent. Important and
influential scholarship has also demonstrated that, even in modernity and late
modernity, Protestantism, for example, has continued to be a prodigious
producer of media of its own (see, in particular, Morgan 1998) and aggressive
about projecting its images into the “secular” media as well (Hendershot
2004). These issues will be discussed in more detail in later chapters. In sum,
though, the powerful received idea that the realms of “religion” and “media”
have been or should be present is more a function of the commitments of theo-
logical and ecclesiastical authorities on the one hand and leading thought in the
field of media studies on the other, than it is a fundamental reality. This will be
discussed in more detail in the next chapter.
14 For a more thorough discussion, see Hoover and Venturelli (1996).
15 For the classic statement, see Innis (1950), but see also Silverstone (1991) and
Moores (1993), pp. 70–116.
16 Much of this literature is rooted in the early persuasive work of Berger and
Luckman (1966).
17 For an influential collection focusing on the case of youth culture, see Hall and
Jefferson (1976). See also Grossberg (1992). For a discussion in relation to reli-
gion, see Clark (2003), pp. 3–23 and 224–36.
18 Medved (1992), Meyers (1989), and Postman (1986).
19 Kubey and Csikszentmihalyi (1990). For a more recent statement, see Kubey
and Csikszentmihalyi (2002).
20 Silverstone (1994), Moores (1993), and Couldry (2003).
21 Newcomb and Hirsch (1983).
22 For a critical discussion of this literature, see Hoover et al. (2004).
23 For a review of this literature, see Seiter (1999). See also Clark (2003).
24 Clark (2003).
25 Dayan and Katz (1992), Rothenbuhler (1998). For a critical review and anal-
ysis, see Couldry (2003).
26 Hoover and Russo (2002). Hoover and Russo argue, additionally, that this role
is one that has evolved over time, originating with the Kennedy assassination,
but gradually developing through more recent crises such as the Challenger
explosion, the Oklahoma City bombing, the Columbine School Shootings, the
funeral of Princess Diana, and of course the events surrounding 9/11. See also
Chapter 8, this volume.

