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What this book could be about  23

              The problem of defining religion is not a new one to social scientists
            and to anthropologists in particular. Religious essentialists and formalists
            have been critical of Clifford Geertz, a scholar to whom much of the
            conceptual and theoretical legacy here can be traced, for adopting a defini-
            tion of religion that is too deductive and too inclined to see anything as
            “religion” as long as informants say it is. In fact, Geertz’s definition of reli-
            gion is one that provides precisely the kind of foundation needed by the
            kind of exploration I am undertaking here. Geertz describes religion as

               (1) a system of symbols which acts to (2) establish a powerful, perva-
               sive, and  long-lasting moods and motivations in men by (3)
               formulating conceptions of a general order of existence and (4) clothing
               these conceptions with such an aura of factuality that (5) the moods
               and motivations seem uniquely realistic. 84

            The way this works practically is that, for a social meaning or practice to be
            significant of what we want to understand as “religious,” it must be some-
            thing that – in the perspective of the individuals involved – moves beyond
            the mundane to the level of particular significance and is something that she
            herself sees in those terms. There is, of course, debate about whether this is
            an unequivocal definition, and things we encounter that are attributed to
            religion (or “spirituality,” a term of emerging social significance) will also
            avail themselves of further exploration. This is one of the values of the kind
            of embedded, descriptive research we will be doing. We are able to look at
            the ways people describe themselves and their practices as religious. This
            will tell us things not just about the particular media-centered practices of
            concern to our explorations here, but also about the nature of contemporary
            religious evolution. The point is not to “validate” what they say about reli-
            gion in relation to media culture; it is to embed these ideas in the larger
            context of their social lives and (by extension) the broader culture. So, for
            better or worse, it will be Geertz’s definition that will be the working defini-
            tion of religion employed as we proceed with this study.
              While it might be thought that a definition of “media” is probably a
            more straightforward matter than a definition of “religion,” there is still
            some complexity here. Traditionally, and in common discourse, media are
            thought of primarily in technological terms. “Media” are devices, services,
            publications, and channels. I’d like to suggest instead that we begin to
            think of media as practices, not just as institutions, texts, or objects. First,
            there is a range of things that are significant to our inquiries here that
            transcend “media” as traditionally understood. For example, public
            performances of various kinds, as well as sacred spaces, rituals, encounter
            groups, classes, seminars, objects such as paintings, sculptures, and what
            have been called “religious kitsch” items all appear in our interviews and
            in other studies as religiously significant. That these may be  religious is
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