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Media and religion in transition  81

            by Giddens. They are reflexive, self-conscious, and very much about
            perfection, but they are also – more significantly – protean in that their
            adaptability is both a characteristic that defines them and a self-conscious
            or reflexive self-assessment.
              We might argue that this group would also be the central category with
            reference to religious exploration and meaning-making in media culture.
            If, as we have been arguing, media culture might come to function as an
            alternative to traditional religion in important ways, this would be the
            group we would expect to be most actively involved. In fact, there is a
            great deal of evidence of media culture moving in this direction. Many of
            the recent waves of spiritually oriented entertainment television programs
            have explored spiritualities such as those of most interest to these
            “seekers.” The ensuing criticisms from conservative religious circles would
            make such programs additionally salient for this group. And, the fact that
            such resources are available in an open marketplace outside the control of
            traditional institutions or authorities would also make them more attrac-
            tive and salient.
              Commodified media culture also provides a range of resources to these
            various sensibilities in the new media and specialized “niche” media such
            as magazine publishing. What remains to be seen is whether the provision
            of material connects with these sensibilities in terms of consumption and
            reception. A perhaps more interesting question, though, relates to the
            “mainstreamers” discussed earlier. They should be attracted to many of
            the same resources that define this group. The extent to which these media
            are salient for which group becomes an important question.
              Dogmatists. Whereas the group above would be likely to describe them-
            selves as “spiritual but not religious,” this group would be likely to say the
            opposite. In Roof’s classification, they are the most concerned with the
            “external forms of religion” and are “rigidly religious.” He describes them
            as supporting institutional religion, “encrusted institutions frozen in a
            nostalgic past.” This group is perhaps best understood in contrast with the
            three foregoing groups, who each articulated an approach to religion that
            questions the prerogatives and powers of received authority. These people
            are more interested in that authority, but, more precisely, in an imagined,
            remembered past, for which they are nostalgic. Indirectly accepting the
            critique that the institutions today struggle to remain relevant to lived
            lives, they wish to return to a more stable, sensible past.
              Roof describes the narratives of this group as “formulaic in character,
            rather lifeless and closed.” Most were raised Catholic or in conservative
            Protestant groups, and their social networks tend to revolve around their
            places of worship. They also tend to be lower-educated and lower in
            socioeconomic status.
              It seems rather straightforward to suggest that the relationship of this
            group to media culture would be rather strict and judgmental. It is hard to
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