Page 260 - Religion, Media, and the Public Sphere
P. 260

of direct experience. On how this is accomplished through visual signs, see Johansen
            1999.
              10. For a discussion of how Yasar Nuri Öztürk’s scholarly credentials set him apart,
            both from the notables of the state divinity establishment in Turkey (a closed commu-
            nity of scriptural scholarship) and also the publicly visible “Islamist intellectuals” whose
            antiestablishment “radical” rhetoric identi¤es them with political Islam, see Özcan 2000.
              11. For three excellent books that offer grounded analyses of how Islam has pene-
            trated the public culture and everyday experience of the 1990s decade in Turkey, see
            Saktanber 2002; Navaro-Yashin 2002; and White 2002. For a broader comparative per-
            spective on politics of Islam in Turkey, see Zubaida (1996, 2000).
              12. The “analysis” I offer is essentially based on video recordings of ten programs
            broadcast on different Fridays between 1998 and 2000, “randomly” selected by the ar-
            chivists of ATV channel. I have transcribed these into writing, as well as watching them
            repeatedly—alone, with students, as well as with colleagues willing to spare the time. I
            have also interviewed Ayse Özgün at length, and had to “reciprocate” by becoming an
            “expert guest” on one of her programs. I have deliberately avoided interviewing Yasar
            Nuri Öztürk himself.
              13. Ayse Özgün describes her involvement with television in terms of “reaching the
            people.” She “wants to do something for this country.” But she also admits that “we have
            not been able to reach the mass [kitleye inmeyi basaramdik].” Here is one of her illustra-
            tions: “I was in the south, stopped and got out of the car. People were picking cotton in
            the heat with Omo [detergent] cartons on their heads. They all came rushing to embrace
            me. They watch my program. But when I ask, ‘do you do what we say?’ they mumble
            ‘things are different here.’” So Ayse Özgün is the prototype—almost a caricature—of
            modern/modernizing woman of her generation. Her life story and the ingredients of her
            success as a talk show hostess are interesting in their own right but are beyond the im-
            mediate concerns of this essay.
              14. According to Mardin (1969) the word hürafe has been in circulation since the end
            of the nineteenth century, with more or less the same connotations; that is, it is used to
            dismiss all popular beliefs and practices associated with oral traditions of “folk” Islam
            as “superstition.”




                  References


            Bayat, Asef. 2002. Piety, Privilege and Egyptian Youth. ISIM Newsletter 10 (2): 23.
            Bugra, Ayse. 1999. Islam in Economic Organizations, Istanbul: TESEV Publications.
            1.  1998. Class, Culture and State: An Analysis of Interest Representation by Two
              Turkish Business Associations. The International Journal of Middle East Association 30
              (4): 521–539.
            Carpignano, Paolo, and R. Andersen, S. Aranowitz, W. Dizazio. 1990. “Chatter in the
              Age of Electronic Reproduction: Talk Television and the ‘Public Mind.’” Social Text,
              no. 25/26: 33–55.
            Cizre-Sakallioglu, Ümit, and Erinç Yeldan. 2000. Politics, Society and Financial Liberal-
              ization: Turkey in the 1990s. Development and Change 31: 481–508.
            Comaroff, Jean, and John Comaroff. 2000. Millennial Capitalism: First Thoughts on a
              Second Coming. Public Culture 12 (2): 291–343.

                                          Becoming “Secular Muslims”  249
   255   256   257   258   259   260   261   262   263   264   265