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lamic practice of isti#dhan, wherein a member of the mosque assembly asks per-
                mission to address the gathering on matters relevant to the Muslim community.
                This practice, one that became increasingly widespread during subsequent de-
                cades, had the effect of enhancing the dialogical structure of social discourse
                within the mosque, thereby expanding its role as a key site of public discussion.
                Mass media also became central to the Brotherhood’s effort. Books, short tracts,
                pamphlets, and ®yers by Muslim reformers, as well as magazines covering na-
                tional and international events considered relevant to Muslims, were widely cir-
                culated and competed with the more secular-oriented publications of the na-
                tionalist movement. For da"wa speech and print—and later audio—media, the
                sermon provided a paradigmatic rhetorical form, a practice that stood in con-
                trast to the European models of political oratory increasingly adopted by Egyp-
                tian secular nationalists. Al-Banna’s sermons, in particular, became massively
                popular in Egypt and other Arab countries and were widely distributed in book
                and pamphlet form.
                  While the Brotherhood was eventually banned by the Egyptian state and
                many of its members imprisoned or driven underground, da"wa itself did not
                disappear. On the contrary, over the last half-century da"wa has increasingly be-
                come a space for the articulation of a contestatory Islamic discourse on state
                and society, a discourse embodied in a diversi¤ed array of institutional forms
                including  educational  centers,  preaching  associations,  thousands  of  private
                mosques, and an expanding network of publishing houses and other media. As
                a result of the activity of these publishing houses and various media, there now
                exists a vast literature offering instruction in the practice of “individual da"wa,”
                understood as an ethical form of speech and action aimed at improving the
                moral conduct of one’s fellow community members. The concept has also be-
                come a key point of reference for a wide variety of other activities in some way
                oriented toward promoting and fortifying the ethical practices that constitute
                Islamic modes of piety and community—from providing social services to the
                poor, to tutoring children at mosques, to selling religious books or tapes. Da"wa,
                in other words, has come to describe a particular way of linking public activism
                with moral reform. Placed under the rubric of this notion, a wide range of com-
                mercial, educational, and welfare activities essential to the reproduction and
                maintenance of modern society were assigned moral signi¤cance, as contribu-
                tions to the goal of building a community oriented around the practice of the
                virtues.

                      Taxi Talk

                      The kind of discursive arena I am suggesting here can be illustrated
                through a conversation I overheard during a taxi ride through downtown Cairo,
                a scenario that is rather typical of the kind of public interactions for which
                cassette sermons have played a constitutive role. Taxis in Cairo frequently pick
                up more than one passenger. In this case I was sharing the ride with two other
                people, a teenage boy and a young woman who wore the hijab (head scarf). The

                      32  Charles Hirschkind
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