Page 152 - Sport Culture and the Media
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TAKING US THROUGH IT ||  133


                         reproduce the professional ideologies that govern practice is not just felt in the
                         basement of sports journalism. As, for example, Alina Bernstein (2000) has
                         shown in her study of newspaper coverage of the 1992 Barcelona Olympics,
                         journalists are required to entertain, simultaneously, both localist (how’s our
                         team going?) and  ‘global’ considerations (who won the glamorous Olympic
                         events dominated by somebody else?). Deborah Stevenson (2002), in a rather
                         different context, has analysed the ways in which the print media juggled
                         sexuality, gender and nation as ‘angles’ in the 1999 Australian Tennis Open.
                         The rules that have to be taken into account include  ‘personification’ (the
                         reduction of large-scale, perhaps abstract events to the actions and motives
                         of recognizable people), ‘elite status’ (the use of celebrity and, when it is not
                         present, connections made to it), ‘consonance’ (the events and their treatment
                         are easily fitted into readers’ everyday frameworks and expectations when con-
                         fronting a sports news story) and ‘negativity’ (the established media wisdom
                         that, on balance, bad news is more newsworthy than good – in our examples
                         frustration at having shots saved in a minor game instead of playing for
                         Manchester United and marrying a Spice Girl; and getting ‘kicked out of the
                         game’ for the first time in a ‘19-year career’). Thus, even brief, formulaic and
                         modest print media sports texts are surprisingly effective in reaching beyond
                         themselves to other games, people, issues and myths. All texts are inter-textual
                         in that, to be effective, they must make connections with other phenomena and
                         stories. Yet the degree of intertextuality is limited by the amount of media space
                         allotted (it is hard to be too expansive in sixty-six words, although some sports
                         writers achieve an economy of style to rival Ernest Hemingway) and the tasks
                         that have to be performed in particular types of stories (giving the score, the
                         time of scoring, the identity of the scorer, and so on). Once the print coverage
                         of sport is severed from any requirement to report actual, public events to
                         people who have often seen and experienced them in some way, then the
                         opportunities to ‘free’ the text from its stricter obligations proliferate. Thus, for
                         example, a sports journalist can liken, in quasi-poetic language, an Australian
                         cricket captain to one of the greatest minds of the twentieth century. Of Steve
                         Waugh (nicknamed Tugga) it can be said that ‘There are silken fibres within
                         Tugga’s tough exterior and an Einstein lurking inside his shaggy baggy green
                         cap’ (Meher-Homji 2002: 90). Pronouncing on the intellectual prowess of elite
                         sportspeople, however, has its news value limitations. More newsworthy is the
                         kind of text that is ostensibly generated by news media resources unavailable
                         to ordinary citizens, whereby sources can be tapped and interviews gained in
                         producing new knowledge.
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