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                         and the Dodgers (an event that coincided with the Soviet Union’s second-ever
                         nuclear test). It weaves into its narrative a close, journalistic description of
                         the play and an aestheticized observation of the setting, using real people (like
                         Frank Sinatra, Jackie Gleason and J. Edgar Hoover) and invented characters,
                         melding the fictional and the non-fictional in a manner that threatens to make
                         the distinction redundant. This approach is demonstrated by the following
                         passage:
                           Not a good pitch to hit, up and in, but Thomson swings and tomahawks
                           the ball and everybody, everybody watches. Except for Gleason who is bent
                           over in his seat, hands locked behind his neck, a creamy strand of slime
                           swinging from his lips.
                             Russ says, ‘There’s a long drive’.
                             His voice has a burst in it, a charge of expectation.
                             He says, ‘It’s gonna be’.
                             There’s a pause all around him. Pafko racing toward the left-field corner.
                           He says, ‘I believe’.
                                                                          (DeLillo 1997: 42)

                         This short extract from a very long American novel evokes the excitement of
                         the spectator (who is a radio journalist) and could be an orthodox sports report
                         were it not for some extraneous elements that signify it as literary (such as
                         the description of Gleason’s condition). This  ‘factional’ piece, nonetheless,
                         indicates how many sports reports do, indeed, resemble fiction in their selective
                         assemblage of facts, invention of quotations and setting of the scene.
                           I make this point in closing the section to avoid too neat a taxonomy of the
                         print media sports text. We have examined various examples of modes of
                         sports writing located in different ‘organs’ of the media, and it is clear that rigid
                         constraints of content, form, function and length exist which govern the pro-
                         duction and reception of many such texts. The presentation of highly technical
                         information, use of formal and informal language that only the initiated can
                         easily decode, and a repetitive, easily recognizable style make the reception
                         of sports stories into an habituated pairing of the familiar author (the
                         sports ‘hack’) and the implied reader (the sports ‘nut’). In Chapter 2, we noted
                         criticisms by some sports journalists themselves of the rather limited scope
                         of sports texts and various attempts to break out of this writing strait-jacket.
                         But there are also elements of sports culture that can be found in places
                         which are not acknowledged as sporting – for example, in what might be called
                         ‘secondary media sports texts’ where the language of sport as metaphors and
                         similes permeates non-sporting discourses (including politics and business).
                         Hence, when a political reporter describes a minister as having ‘a safe pair of
                         hands’ or a business reporter represents an attempted company takeover as a
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