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50   || SPORT, CULTURE AND THE MEDIA


                         newsroom prejudice’ relating to race, ethnicity or sex. Of those few sports
                         journalists in his study who were female, women journalists were far more
                         likely than their male colleagues to agree that it is ‘more difficult for women to
                         get ahead in journalism’ (36 per cent compared with 85 per cent, although their
                         non-Anglo counterparts did not tend to attribute to ethnicity an equivalent
                         level of obstruction to upward occupational mobility). Because they had not
                         experienced prejudice and discrimination on the grounds of race, ethnicity
                         or sex themselves, or had not been sensitized to the negative experience of
                         others (not least because most of their immediate colleagues had similar back-
                         grounds), most of the sports journalists in this study were not much troubled by
                         social structural inequities.
                           This cosy picture of the sports desk as a WASP male enclave is reinforced to a
                         degree by Henningham’s findings that sports journalists tended to stay in the
                         same job and, indeed, profession, for longer than their non-sports colleagues,
                         and (as mentioned above) were generally more satisfied with, and less stressed
                         by, their jobs than journalists in general. When questioned on the relative
                         importance of different characteristics of those jobs, sports journalists were
                         significantly (in statistical terms) attracted to their job’s pay, security and
                         fringe benefits, and significantly less concerned with the editorial policies of
                         their organization (Henningham 1995: 16). This last characteristic connects
                         with the pattern of political orientation of journalists. As we saw in Chapter 1,
                         western news media workers have traditionally prided themselves (though
                         sometimes only with the aid of self-delusion) on their fiercely guarded critical
                         independence from governments and big business enterprises (even when the
                         latter are their own employers). Yet, the sports journalists whose attitudes are
                         recorded in studies like Henningham’s are more politically conservative than
                         non-sports journalists (almost twice as likely to vote on the Right), and more
                         positive and optimistic about the current state of press freedom, concentration
                         of ownership and control, and so on. The  ‘splendid isolation’ of the sports
                         department has no doubt partially insulated it from the improper interference
                         by proprietors and managers that bothers journalists in other departments.
                         Greater priority, as a result, is given to news functions like ‘get information to
                         the public quickly’ and ‘concentrate on news of interest to the widest possible
                         public’ rather than ‘provide analysis and interpretation of complex problems’
                         or taking the role of sceptical  ‘adversary’ in dealing with public officials
                         and businesses (Henningham 1995: 16). Here the traditional sports reporting
                         and recording function comes to the fore at the expense of the analytical and
                         investigative tasks of the news media.
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