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Sport in Advertising  •  119

            stadium during a break in the action, chances are that you will be treated to an array

            of advertisements around the field, in your programme and on the big screen. You
            might even find that products for sale in the stadium are being advertised to you as

            you consume them.
               Major sports events offer a particularly compelling resource for advertisers due
            to the ‘conventions of iconography, procedure, ceremony, media coverage, and of

            course, the deep emotional current of national pride and lifelong affiliation with a
            team or sport’ (Coots 2007: 28). Jackson, Andrews and Scherer (2005: 8) argued that
            sport has an appeal for the marketing divisions of transnational corporations ‘that
            stretches beyond the field of sport per se with sporting themes, images, narratives and

            celebrities located within and across a complex and increasingly global system of
            intertexual promotional cultures including movies, art, fashion, music and politics’.
            At each major sport spectacle, advertisers are poised to convert mass audiences into
            consumers. La Monica (2006) reported that thirty-second commercial spots during
            the 2006 Super Bowl were selling for $2.5 million. The appeal of such events to
            advertisers is clear: ‘a gigantic audience is virtually guaranteed regardless of which
            teams are playing. More than 86 million people watched the Super Bowl [in 2005] in
            the U.S. according to Nielson Media Research’ (La Monica 2006: para. 6).



            Advertising and Consumer Capitalism

            Advertising may be both ubiquitous and accepted as part of our daily lives, but
            nevertheless, it has always faced harsh criticism from those who insist that it creates
            ‘false wants’ and encourages ‘the production and consumption of things that are in-
            compatible with the fulfilment of genuine and urgent human needs’ (Dyer 1982: 3).

            From this perspective, advertising tricks us into believing that our happiness lies in

            the personal possession of the products promoted, making us selfish and materialistic
            in our outlook. Dyer (1982) drew on Williams (1980) to show that the paradox of ad-
            vertising is that it demonstrates that we are not materialistic enough: ‘if we were, the
            presentation of the objects being sold would be enough’ (Dyer 1982: 7). A pair of new
            trainers would be purchased solely for their utility as footwear, without reference to
            social or symbolic meanings. However, as Jhally (1990) cautions, the utility of goods
            cannot be separated from their symbolic affiliations. Advertising requires goods to


            be associated with magical qualities that make them appear to fulfil our personal and
            social aspirations. It is for this reason that Williamson (1978: 12) suggested that ad-
            vertising does more than simply sell things to us: ‘it creates structures of meaning.’
               In her now classic work, Decoding Advertisements, Williamson (1978) examined
            the process of advertising, arguing that we can only understand what advertisements
            mean by discovering how they make things mean something to us. Williamson (1978)
            acknowledged that this is far from easy. It is difficult to detach ourselves from the

            pull of advertisements. In the foreword to her book, Williamson (1978) positioned
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