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ANGELA MCROBBIE 251

                             THE PROBLEM OF IDEOLOGY
            In  one  rather  narrow  respect  the  Capital  and  Class  theorists  present  a
            convincing  analysis  of  what  it  is  that  capital  is  doing  as  it  shifts  into  a
            mode  which  is  less  centralized,  less  homogenized  and  more  highly
            computerized, thus dispensing with substantial sectors of the workforce on
            the way. This is, they argue, managed through the successful deployment
            of a huge ideological offensive which was held together in Britain through
            the figure of Thatcher and through the ideas which came to be associated
            with  Thatcherism.  In  this  way  the  class  struggle  continues  unabated  as
            the workforce is beaten from pillar to post. The problem is, however, that
            there  is  little  talk  of  the  workers  and  the  struggles  they  are  engaged  in
            throughout the Capital and Class writing. There is a large silence here. And
            the only assumption that can be drawn is that in the light of this offensive
            the  working  classes  have  been,  temporarily  perhaps,  quietened.  But  this
            silence  also  means  that  the  analysis  itself  is  weakened  because  we  have
            absolutely no sense of what this totalizing model of economic restructuring
            and  ideological  attack  comes  up  against,  or  of  what  it  encounters  in  its
            journey from factory floor, to dole office, to home, street and family.
              In short there is no sense of what the social field itself looks like, how it
            is occupied, what forms of social and cultural activity accompany changes
            in  the  workplace.  The  only  conclusion  that  can  be  drawn  is  that  the
            working  class  in  whatever  form  it  continues  to  exist  (and  this  is  also  a
            question  not  raised  by  the  Capital  and  Class  writers)  is  won  over  by
            ideology, it is in effect made passive, it is the victim of capital. It is precisely
            against  this  kind  of  manipulation  thesis  that  New  Times  writers  make  a
            clear  attempt  to  rethink  ideology.  From  their  point  of  view  the  lofty
            correctness  of  the  left  in  relation  to  how  the  masses  are  simply  duped,
            tricked or conned by the gloss and the glow of Thatcherism has a tinge of
            arrogance and elitism. In what is perhaps an urgent piece of pleading Hall
            asks  that  the  left  stops  for  a  moment  and  thinks  about  what  it  is  that
            makes  the  language  of  the  new  radical  right  sufficiently  attractive  to  the
            electorate to keep the Conservatives in government for so long that the idea
            of Labour in office is now a hazy memory.
              This is to return to those aspects of ordinary everyday life which connect
            people to the ideas of the right rather than those of the left, it is to show
            how  questions  of  choice,  how  the  ‘right  to  buy’,  how  the  address  to
            parents,  and  to  citizens,  had  a  resonance  which  the  left  were  not  able  to
            match, even when they were able to demonstrate the shallowness and the
            dishonesty of many of these ‘promises’. Partly of course this had to do with
            the  simultaneous  negating  of  all  ideas  associated  with  the  left  which  the
            Thatcher  government  also  embarked  upon  and  maintained  through  the
            heady days of gold cards and huge mortgages. It is ironic to say the least
            that Stuart Hall’s account in Policing the Crisis (Hall et al., 1978) of the
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