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THE PROBLEM OF IDEOLOGY: MARXISM WITHOUT GUARANTEES 41

            ‘discursive’ operation. Powerful symbols and slogans of that kind, with a
            powerfully positive political charge, do not swing about from side to side in
            language  or  ideological  representation  alone.  The  expropriation  of  the
            concept  has  to  be  contested  through  the  development  of  a  series  of
            polemics, through the conduct of particular forms of ideological struggle:
            to  detach  one  meaning  of  the  concept  from  the  domain  of
            public  consciousness  and  supplant  it  within  the  logic  of  another  political
            discourse. Gramsci argued precisely that ideological struggle does not take
            place  by  displacing  one  whole,  integral,  class-mode  of  thought  with
            another wholly-formed system of ideas:
              What matters is the criticism to which such an ideological complex is
              subjected by the first representatives of the new historical phase. This
              criticism makes possible a process of differentiation and change in the
              relative  weight  that  the  elements  of  the  old  ideological  used  to
              possess.  What  was  previously  secondary  and  subordinate,  or  even
              incidental, is now taken to be primary—becomes the nucleus of a new
              ideological and theoretical complex. The old collective will dissolves
              into  its  contradictory  elements  since  the  subordinate  ones  develop
              socially, etc.
                                                        (Gramsci, 1971:195)

            In short, his is a ‘war of position’ conception of ideological struggle. It also
            means articulating the different conceptions of ‘democracy’ within a whole
            chain  of  associated  ideas.  And  it  means  articulating  this  process  of
            ideological  de-construction  and  re-construction  to  a  set  of  organized
            political positions, and to a particular set of social forces. Ideologies do not
            become effective as a material force because they emanate from the needs of
            fully-formed social classes. But the reverse is also true—though it puts the
            relationship  between  ideas  and  social  forces  the  opposite  way  round.  No
            ideological  conception  can  ever  become  materially  effective  unless  and
            until it can be articulated to the field of political and social forces and to
            the struggles between different forces at stake.
              Certainly, it is not necessarily a form of vulgar materialism to say that,
            though  we  cannot  ascribe  ideas  to  class  position  in  certain  fixed
            combinations, ideas do arise from and may reflect the material conditions
            in  which  social  groups  and  classes  exist.  In  that  sense—i.e.  historically—
            there may well be certain tendential alignments—between, say, those who
            stand  in  a  ‘corner  shop’  relation  to  the  processes  of  modern  capitalist
            development,  and  the  fact  that  they  may  therefore  be  predisposed  to
            imagine  that  the  whole  advanced  economy  of  capitalism  can  be
            conceptualized in this ‘corner shop’ way. I think this is what Marx meant
            in the Eighteenth Brumaire when he said that it was not necessary for people
            actually  to  make  their  living  as  members  of  the  old  petty  bourgeoisie  for
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