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THE PROBLEM OF IDEOLOGY: MARXISM WITHOUT GUARANTEES 39

            process in thought. These enable us to represent to ourselves and to others
            how the system works, why it functions as it does.
              The  same  process—capitalist  production  and  exchange—can  be
            expressed within a different ideological framework, by the use of different
            ‘systems  of  representation’.  There  is  the  discourse  of  ‘the  market’,  the
            discourse  of  ‘production’,  the  discourse  of  ‘the  circuits’:  each  produces  a
            different  definition  of  the  system.  Each  also  locates  us  differently—
            as  worker,  capitalist,  wage  worker,  wage  slave,  producer,  consumer,  etc.
            Each thus situates us as social actors or as a member of a social group in a
            particular relation to the process and prescribes certain social identities for
            us. The ideological categories in use, in other words, position us in relation
            to the account of the process as depicted in the discourse. The worker who
            relates  to  his  or  her  condition  of  existence  in  the  capitalist  process  as
            ‘consumer’—who  enters  the  system,  so  to  speak,  through  that  gateway—
            participates in the process by way of a different practice from those who
            are  inscribed  in  the  system  as  ‘skilled  labourer’—or  not  inscribed  in  it  at
            all, as ‘housewife’. All these inscriptions have effects which are real. They
            make a material difference, since how we act in certain situations depends
            on what our definitions of the situation are.
              I  believe  that  a  similar  kind  of  ‘re-reading’  can  be  made  in  relation  to
            another set of propositions about ideology which has in recent years been
            vigorously  contested:  namely,  the  class-determination  of  ideas  and  the
            direct  correspondences  between  ‘ruling  ideas’  and  ‘ruling  classes’.  Laclau
            (1977)  has  demonstrated  definitively  the  untenable  nature  of  the
            proposition that classes, as such, are the subjects of fixed and ascribed class
            ideologies. He has also dismantled the proposition that particular ideas and
            concepts ‘belong’ exclusively to one particular class. He demonstrates, with
            considerable effect, the failure of any social formation to correspond to this
            picture of ascribed class ideologies. He argues cogently why the notion of
            particular ideas being fixed permanently to a particular class is antithetical
            to  what  we  now  know  about  the  very  nature  of  language  and  discourse.
            Ideas  and  concepts  do  not  occur,  in  language  or  thought,  in  that  single,
            isolated, way with their content and reference irremovably fixed. Language
            in  its  widest  sense  is  the  vehicle  of  practical  reasoning,  calculation  and
            consciousness,  because  of  the  ways  by  which  certain  meanings  and
            references  have  been  historically  secured.  But  its  cogency  depends  on  the
            ‘logics’ which connect one proposition to another in a chain of connected
            meanings;  where  the  social  connotations  and  historical  meaning  are
            condensed  and  reverberate  off  one  another.  Moreover,  these  chains  are
            never permanently secured, either in their internal systems of meanings, or
            in terms of the social classes and groups to which they ‘belong’. Otherwise,
            the notion of ideological struggle and the transformations of consciousness
            —questions  central  to  the  politics  of  any  marxist  project—would  be  an
            empty sham, the dance of dead rhetorical figures.
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