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34 STUART HALL

            powerful and compelling return to the ideological stage under the auspices
            of  Mrs  Thatcher  and  neo-liberalism—may  derive  from  the  categories  we
            use  in  our  practical,  commonsense  thinking  about  the  market  economy.
            This  is  how  there  arises,  out  of  daily,  mundane  experience  the  powerful
            categories of bourgeois legal, political, social and philosophical thought.
              This  is  a  critical  locus  classicus  of  the  debate;  from  this  Marx
            extrapolated several of the theses which have come to form the contested
            territory  of  the  theory  of  ideology.  First,  he  established  as  a  source
            of ‘ideas’ a particular point or moment of the economic circuit of capital.
            Second,  he  demonstrates  how  the  translation  from  the  economic  to
            ideological  categories  can  be  effected;  from  the  ‘market  exchange  of
            equivalents’ to the bourgeois notions of ‘Freedom’ and ‘Equality’; from the
            fact that each must possess the means of exchange to the legal categories of
            property rights. Third, he defines in a more precise manner what he means
            by ‘distortion’. For this ‘taking off’ from the exchange point of the recircuit
            of capital is an ideological process. It ‘obscures, hides, conceals’—the terms
            are  all  in  the  text—another  set  of  relations:  the  relations,  which  do  not
            appear  on  the  surface  but  are  concealed  in  the  ‘hidden  abode’  of
            production (where property, ownership, the exploitation of waged labour
            and  the  expropriation  of  surplus  value  all  take  place).  The  ideological
            categories ‘hide’ this underlying reality, and substitute for all that the ‘truth’
            of  market  relations.  In  many  ways,  then,  the  passage  contains  all  the  so-
            called  cardinal  sins  of  the  classical  marxist  theory  of  ideology  rolled  into
            one:  economic  reductionism,  a  too  simple  correspondence  between  the
            economic and the political ideological; the true v. false, real v. distortion,
            ‘true’ consciousness v. false consciousness distinctions.
              However, it also seems to me possible to ‘re-read’ the passage from the
            standpoint of many contemporary critiques in such a way as (a) to retain
            many of the profound insights of the original, while (b) expanding it, using
            some of the theories of ideology developed in more recent times.
              Capitalist production is defined in Marx’s terms as a circuit. This circuit
            explains  not  only  production  and  consumption,  but  reproduction—the
            ways in which the conditions for keeping the circuit moving are sustained.
            Each  moment  is  vital  to  the  generation  and  realization  of  value.  Each
            establishes  certain  determinate  conditions  for  the  other—that  is,  each  is
            dependent on or determinate for the other. Thus, if some part of what is
            realized  through  sale  is  not  paid  as  wages  to  labour,  labour  cannot
            reproduce  itself,  physically  and  socially,  to  work  and  buy  again  another
            day. This ‘production’, too, is dependent on ‘consumption’; even though in
            the analysis Marx tends to insist on the prior analytic value to be accorded
            to the relations of production. (This in itself has had serious consequences,
            since it has led marxists not only to prioritize ‘production’ but to argue as
            if the moments of ‘consumption and exchange’ are of no value or importance
            to the theory—a fatal, one-side productivist reading.)
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