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            for most years observed and a modest growth rate. Given Changsha’s primacy
            in the above-mentioned indices, this may suggest that it is only when a city
            reaches and/or surpasses a certain high threshold of per capita income level
            and growth rate that income has a significant impact on urban sustainability.
            Furthermore, Hunan Province has the lowest levels of both in-migrating high-
            polluting investment (Fig. 16.1) and investment in pollution treatment
            (Fig. 16.2), suggesting that in the absence of high levels of in-migrating high-
            polluting industries, high per capita income may provide the sufficient con-
            ditions for an effective sustainable urban transition.

            DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION

            Through the 2000s, central provinces attempted to catch up economically with
            the coast by using the same export-oriented, high-polluting model used in the
            past decades by the coast (Ang, 2017). Just as coastal cities reached a point at
            which they transitioned away from high-polluting industries, so too did Hefei, as
            its mayor in 2009 announced explicitly the need to shift away from the old high-
            polluting coastal model and toward a more sustainable one (Si, 2009). Hefei’s
            transition to a more sustainable, less polluted and more energy efficient
            development model was enabled only in part by financial resources afforded by
            the vast quantities of available government financing for the treatment of
            environmental pollution. The other key element explaining this transition is
            urban growth machine politics, where profit maximization and economic growth
            demands guide government decision making (Feng, 2016; Logan and Molotch,
            2007; Molotch, 1976; Zhang, 2002). It is due to the persistent presence of such
            growth-related demand that Chinese city governments normally implement
            pollution reduction policies by emphasizing their economic advantages (Koehn,
            2016), as Hefei did by framing its transition as being toward an “energy effi-
            cient, low-emissions, and high profits” development model (Zhu, 2011). How-
            ever, although this framing helps make sustainable reform in Chinese cities
            more politically palatable, it does so only in a superficial way.
               Rather, for an urban sustainable transition to be theoretically possible in
            these conditions, it is required that the growth and profit maximization de-
            mands of the urban growth machine be substantively satisfied. It is argued here
            that such conditions were indeed present in Hefei, such that the accumulated
            growth benefits from years of massive inflows of beyond-province investment
            satisfied Hefei’s economic development and growth needs to the degree that it
            could afford to incur the economic costs associated with a green transition.
            Having thus satisfied the urban growth machine demands, and having also the
            available mass quantities of public investment in pollution treatment, Hefei
            leaders were both politically and financially capable of exerting stringent
            policy efforts to reduce emissions and increase energy efficiency. Noteworthy
            also is that Changsha maintained the highest performance in emissions
            reduction and energy efficiency among the central capital cities, which appears
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