Page 43 - The Making of the German Post-war Economy
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16    THE MAKING OF THE GERMAN POST-WAR ECONOMY

           Oberdirektor, and, finally,  the doubling  of the delegates in the Economic
           Council, something which did not affect the proportion of political parties
           in this second economic parliament.  While the Economic Council was a
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           decisive platform for the political debate and factual implementation of
           any emerging economic concept, the parliament’s resolutions and acts
           remained subject to the authorisation by the Allied  Zwei-Zonen-Amt
           (Bipartite Board) in  Berlin and were controlled by the so-called
           ‘Zweizonenkontrollamt’ (Bipartite Control Office) (BICO) in Frankfurt.
           Foreign trade and monetary transactions  were carried out by the Allied
           Joint Export-Import Agency (JEIA). Due to the fact that the Economic
           Council was restricted in its legislative scope and also not a representative
           assembly elected by the plebiscite,  the bizonal institution was often ill-
           regarded as quasi-parliament. Thus the formation of  the Economic
           Council did not meet  with  public enthusiasm, and  people  did not feel
           themselves to be stepping into a new era. Nevertheless, this first German
           parliament after World War II was a central prerequisite for Germany’s
           political and economic reconstruction and marked an important step
           towards  German  political and economic self-determination.  Henceforth,
           German political parties were given the opportunity actively to conduct an
           economic  policy and to affect the definition of an emerging economic
           model for post-war West Germany.
             Due to the focus of this study on the communication of politics, it is
           essential to examine what options the interest groups and licensed political
           parties had in addressing the public and in disseminating their ideas and
           programmes in times of elections. Next to public speeches and those
           transmitted by radio, party publications, i.e. papers that are either owned
           by political parties, or are organisationally bound to or ideationally
           attached to them, and  newspapers were seen as a very effective way in

           addressing the citizenry.  In  this process of  political communication
           between political elites and the public, the media played indeed a key role
           because the content of most politically relevant information, as well as of
           conversations about  politics, is  generally dependent on information
           obtained from the media. As Walter Lippmann observed, most citizens do
           not experience the  world of public affairs firsthand and instead are
           inherently dependent on the media for the ‘pictures in our heads of the
           world outside’.  Further, media coverage of politics often  stimulates
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           informal discussions that might otherwise not take place. In these ways,
           the political information flow dynamic may be characterised as a process
           by which information from the media reaches the public both directly and
           through  the filter of interpersonal discussion – often stimulated by so-
           called ‘opinion leaders’.  However, whereas the media serve merely to
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           reinforce preexisting opinions, it is rather the interpersonal context, which
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