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                   persuade and mobilise voters, and so on. Furthermore, in a situation where citizens
                   have become less supportive of political parties,less trusting of the political system and
                   more likely to abstain, there is likely to be a greater incentive to employ those skilled in
                   the arts of communication and marketing – the ‘professional’ consultants,
                   communicators and organisers – to help the political parties to position themselves in
                   the minds of the citizen/ voter.

                   The triumph of media logic
                   Although political parties have always sought to use new technologies and
                   communication systems to improve their electoral chances, the decline of their
                   traditional positions within the political process – e.g.voters are no longer ‘aligned’,they
                   no longer have access to their ‘own’ media – has made them even more dependent on
                   the media and communication practitioners that lie outside their immediate control.
                   Therefore parties have been forced to become more centralised in order to take
                   advantage of media opportunities, i.e. propagating agreed key messages, and not to be
                   caught out by the media, e.g. allowing dissenting voices. Parties have, in effect, learned
                   the importance of the media and the need to deal with,and confront,the ‘media’s logic’.

                   All chapters note that the media have come to play an increasingly central role in day-
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                   to-day politics. In Italy, Silvio Berlusconi, ‘Sua Emittenza’ has become the prime-minister
                   to-day politics. In Italy, Silvio Belusconi,‘Sua Emittenza’ has become the prime-minister;
                   in Germany, Chancellor Gerhard Schröder became known as the ‘media chancellor’; in
                   the Netherlands, the late populist politician Pim Fortuyn, had increased his popularity
                   by using the magnifying glass of television for his adversarial tone, style and culture.
                   Politicians are constantly under pressure to adapt to new technologies in their attempt
                   to improve their communication strategies. Similar examples regarding the impact of
                   ‘media logic’over politics can also be seen in most European countries.

                   It is not a coincidence that during every presidential campaign European media and
                   campaign consultants, as well as political executives travel, to the US to see and study
                   the Republican and Democratic strategies at close range, since ‘media logic’ has
                   strongly influenced the behaviour of party politicians. In the same way, American
                   political consultants are very often employed in European election contests: Stanley
                   Greenberg was one of the major consultants for Rutelli, Berlusconi’s challenger in 2001;
                   Dick Morris has travelled across Europe offering advice; James Carville has also been  Political Communication in the Era of Professionalisation
                   involved in campaigning, as has Joe Napolitan, who offered advice to the Labour Party
                   in 1997 (Gould, 1998), and so on. More recently, in 2004 the British Conservative Party
                   turned to Australian experts to help it fight the British general election. More generally,
                   the introduction of television from the 1950s onwards has transformed the nature of
                   election campaigning and the relationship between politicians, political parties and
                   publics.The reliance on the ‘modern publicity campaign’(Blumler, 1990) has also altered
                   the relationship between traditional party members and the political party apparatus,
                   at the same time as transforming the ‘traditional’ campaigns into media campaigns
                   (Mazzoleni & Schultz, 1999, p. 257). Furthermore, the increasingly sophisticated use of  17
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