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Most modern democracies, however, show rather limited similarities with the above-
described conditions of political opinion formation. On the contrary, media is central
both as an arena and an actor in the most advanced democracies (Pharr, Putnam &
Dalton, 2000). Party-based communication practices are becoming less important as
party loyalties become eroded and party identification is reduced (Dalton &
Wattenberg,2002).
At the same time, and maybe as an effect of these de-politicisation processes, more
articulated professional journalistic values and more politically independent media
organisations are becoming more important in shaping the public discourse
(Mazzoleni & Schulz,1999; Bennett & Entman,2001; Schulz,2001).
Sweden is no exception to this rule. In recent decades, a political power shift in opinion
formation capacities from political parties to media organisations has become evident.
Leading political scientists have described this development as a process of
mediatisation and as the most outstanding political power shift in Swedish society
during the last century (Esaiasson & Håkansson, 2002). The changes taking place have
different explanations, but there are good reasons to consider both the depoliticisation
of the Swedish political culture and the modernisation and commercialisation of the
Swedish media system. Taken together, these processes deeply influence the role of
citizens in political communication (Asp, 1986; Asp & Esaiasson, 1996; Strömbäck, 2001;
2004).
In terms of citizen communication behaviour, Sweden is undoubtedly a media-centred
democracy. According to recent national surveys, about 80% of the population rely
mostly on the media, and particularly on television, for their political information
The Professionalisation of Political Communication
(Table 1). Personal information and personal experiences play a marginal role in this
aspect.
The fact that television is central to political information processes in Swedish
democracy does not, however, offer the political parties any noticeable advantages in
using television as a direct channel of communication. This is impossible for two main
reasons. First of all, political advertisements are prohibited, both in public service
broadcasts and in commercial channels. Thus, one of the most distinctive features of
modern political campaigns does not exist in Sweden. It is also unlikely that it will exist
in the near future, as there is a political majority in the parliament supporting the belief
that political ads actually reduce the quality of public discourse, given their often
superficial and negative character. Of course, political ads reach Swedish viewers
through cable and satellite from TV stations based abroad, but they play only a
marginal role in political communication aspects.
Secondly, no free broadcasting time is made available to political parties in either
television or radio during the election campaign. The fact that not even public service
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