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SUPERCULTURE  FOR  THE  COMMUNIC ATION  AG E

            mediate  the  available  cultural  spheres.  People  today  routinely  fuse  the  near
            with the far, the traditional with the new, and the relatively unmediated with
            the  multimediated,  to  create  expansive  material  and  discursive  worlds  that
            transform  life  experience  and  radically  reconfigure the meaning of cultural
            space.
              The global explosion of symbolic forms makes patterns of cultural thought
            and  behavior  much  more  fragmented  and  generative  than  integrated  and
            limiting,  and  the  role  of  individual  persons  in  shaping  cultural  styles  and
            patterns more original and labor-intensive than ever before. Individual per-
            sons today no longer live in all-embracing, ‘full-time’ cultures (of course they
            never did in any complete sense); instead they invent multiple, simultaneous,
            ‘part-time’ polycultural composites made up of accessible cultural resources in
            order to construct their impermanent ‘parallel lives’ (Tomlinson 1999: 169).
            The superculture in some respects resembles what David Chaney refers to in
            Chapter 4 as ‘lifestyle’ (a ‘repertoire of styles’ and ‘constellation of tastes’) that
            is driven more and more by global commercial forces and a rapidly increasing
            consumerist mentality, rather than the more encompassing ‘ways of life’, which
            typify culture in far more static and provincial terms.

                                 Why ‘superculture’?
            By modifying ‘culture’ with ‘super’ I hope to capture the magnitude, fresh-
            ness, and uniqueness of current developments. There are related precedents in
            cultural theory. Some years ago Michael Real applied the term ‘super’ not to
            culture but to mass media (Real 1989). Real wanted to stress the extraordinary
            influence of media and popular culture in cultural analysis at the very time
            when  information  technology,  the  Internet,  and  personal  communication
            devices were just beginning to pervade American society. According to Real,
            ‘super’  can  refer  to  ‘the  position  of  a  thing  physically  above  or  on  top  of
            another’, can indicate ‘a thing’s higher rank, quality, amount, or degree’, and
            can also mean ‘the highest degree, in excess of a norm, as in superabundant’
            (Real 1989: 18). Like super media, superculture refers to a cultural mode that is
            above other modes, has a higher rank, quality, and abundance than is reflected
            in other conceptions of culture, and certainly exceeds the norms which typify
            and limit traditional ways of thinking about culture. Moreover, supercultures
            are composed in part of symbolic content that is made available by super media.
              Superculture also fits well theoretically with what the French anthropologist
            Marc Augé calls ‘supermodernity’ (1995). In contrast to the more concrete,
            material  contours  of  late  modernity,  supermodernity  refers  to  an  era  in
            social  history  characterized  by  generic  ‘non  places’  such  as  ATM  machines,
            international  airports,  high-speed  trains,  and  supermarkets  more  than  the
            ‘“anthropological places” of the organically social’ (see Tomlinson 1999: 109).
            Supercultures embody features from this seemingly anonymous ‘supermodern’
            world,  and  from  cultural  debris  scattered  about  in  what  is  often  called  the

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