Page 158 - CULTURE IN THE COMMUNICATION AGE
P. 158

SUPERCULTURE  FOR  THE  COMMUNIC ATION  AG E

            no longer expect to find solutions to Latin American problems from experts
            in Washington or New York.
              Patterns  of  international  exchange  of  cultural  materials  demonstrate  how
            well civilizations are able to function as viable economic markets – a par-
            ticularly strong test of the validity of civilizational theory. Staying with Latin
            America  as  our  example,  the flow of two staples of Latin popular culture –
            television dramas (telenovelas) and popular music – clearly shows how smooth
            and  profitable  the  intracivilizational  connections  can  be  (Straubhaar  1991;
            Sinclair 1999). Television dramas and popular music bring out the expressive
            and emotional similarities of people who live in nations of the Latin American
            civilization. The global explosion of Latin American popular music that took
            off in the late 1990s through the success of singers such as Ricky Martin, Luis
            Miguel, Marc Anthony, Enrique Iglesias, and Jennifer Lopez was preceded by
            decades  of  intracivilizational  exchange  of  musical  talent  throughout  the
            Hispanic world. Two other popular television genres – the talk show and the
            variety show – have also become extraordinary civilizational resources in Latin
            America.  For  instance,  the  talk  show Cristina,  which  originates  in  the  new
            entertainment capital of Latin America, Miami, Florida, is aired in all Spanish-
            language countries of the world and attracts a huge weekly audience. Variety
            programs such as  Big  Saturday (Sábado  Gigante),  featuring  Don  Francisco  of
            Chile,  but  recorded  in  Miami,  likewise  reaches  an  enormous  audience  in
            Spanish-language countries.
              In the People’s Republic of China people interpret and use foreign cultural
            materials quite differently depending on civilizational alignments (Lull 1991).
            While Chinese television viewers enjoy and learn from programs imported
            from North America, South America, and Europe, they are far more enthralled
            by Japanese productions. Japan is not part of the same civilization as China
            according to Huntington’s scheme, but it shares cultural a ffinities  with  the
            Sinic civilization to which China belongs. Recognizing the ideological poten-
            tial of the cultural overlap, the Chinese government has even imported certain
            Japanese  television  programs,  hoping  to  inspire  Chinese  to  work  hard  and
            succeed like Japan, particularly given that the two countries both ‘started over’
            at about the same time – the mid- to late 1940s. Chinese viewers interpret
            Japanese programs in ways that di ffer from their involvements with cultural
            materials that are imported from other civilizations. Both the Chinese govern-
            ment’s  plan  and  the  reactions  of  Chinese  viewers  to  Japanese  programs
            stem from a perceived civilizational resonance. Moreover, Chinese consumers
            more often recognize and greatly prefer Japanese commercial products over
            American goods. In virtually all respects, Chinese simply regard Japanese cul-
            ture as closer to their own traditions, values, and ways of living than Western
            culture.






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