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THINKING  ABOUT  CULTURE  IN  A  GLOBAL  ECUMENE

            segmentation of markets, towards finding niches where commodities especially
            adapted to the needs and desires of particular categories of consumers have a
            competitive advantage. And such niches may be quite localized. Indeed, what
            impressed me in Kafanchan was not least the way the cultural entrepreneurs of
            West African urban life found their place in the market by creating, and offer-
            ing for sale, their own creolized cultural commodities, attractive to their own
            compatriots. 3
              What even the simple framework of markets, states, movements, and forms
            of life shows is that culture is divided into a great many di fferent clusters of
            meanings and meaningful forms, handled in different ways by different actors
            in different relationships. Yet while each of the organizational frames may have
            its  own  tendencies  in  the  handling  of  culture,  they  are  also  continuously
            entangled with one another, to the extent that they engage the same people. It
            is in these entanglements between the frameworks that we find much of what
            is dynamic in culture today. Through them, that is to say, the  flow of culture
            may shift speed and direction, and meanings and the forms which carry them
            may be repackaged into new units and combinations. When the ‘folk music’
            of the form of life frame turns into the ‘popular music’ of the market, for
            example,  the  cross-over  involves  changes  in  social  organization  as  well  as
            cultural form.
              This is the organizational basis, then, for the kind of situation I referred to
            early in this chapter, where one might think of culture in the singular, as more
            of  a  combined  inventory  of  meanings  and  meaningful  forms  available  to
            human beings. Yet surely each of us as individuals will not appropriate all that
            is in this inventory. So what patterns will then emerge? I believe the answer
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            has to be multifaceted.  Perhaps as we engage with the cultural flows within
            and between those main organizational frames – state, market, movement, and
            form of life – there is nothing in our personal cultural repertoires we do not
            in  some  way  share  with  some  group  of  people.  There  may  even  be  some
            meanings and practices we share with just about everybody else in the world;
            and  here  the  global  spread  of  Coca-Cola,  McDonald’s,  and  Barbie  may
            actually  be  less  important  than  for  example  that  of  soap,  matches,  or  those
            blueprints for organized education which mean that a very large part of the
            world’s  children  go  to  primary  schools  with,  in  principle,  a  very  similar
            curriculum.
              Then there may be other complexes within our cultural repertoires which
            we share with particular people around us, and by way of which we identify
            more closely with these people. In such instances we may discern an approxi-
            mation of that ‘cultural mosaic’ organization of the world, and it is often here
            that in the contemporary world the notion of culture is combined with that of
            identity, to the extent that the shift between ‘culture’ and ‘cultural identity’
            may occur almost unnoticeably. One might indeed argue that all identities are
            cultural in so far as they are constructed from meaningful materials acquired
            through social life. Yet we tend to apply the idea of ‘cultural identity’ quite

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