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                   social positions and roles. Indeed, most  analysts who have devised one-dimensional
                   researchers will subsequently devise and use  indicators of vertical social position, on the
                   complex schemes of socioeconomic cate-  key role of one institutional mediation,
                   gories, usually based on occupational group-  schooling. We will review this debate among
                   ings rather than income. Many of these  social mobility analysts below, in the section
                   categories are not easily rank-ordered with  on ‘The  Tension between Individualist and
                   respect to one another in any convincing way,  Structuralist Views’.
                   however. Consequently, exchanges of mem-
                   bers between them over the lifecourse and
                   across generations may call for ‘qualitative’  The divergence between schemes
                   interpretations going beyond the vertical  of gradation and class schemes
                   dimension.
                     Other researchers will rather closely  The mobility table has been, for a long
                   adhere to Sorokin’s gradation idea, and try to  period, the most characteristic tool of the
                   devise various one-dimensional indicators of  social mobility paradigm. Many crucial dis-
                   the vertical social position of various occupa-  tinctions have been made and many findings
                   tions (occupations have by then become the  achieved using mobility tables: horizontal
                   almost universal instrument for estimating  and vertical mobility, intergenerational and
                   social mobility, because they are considered  intra-generational mobility, and then counter-
                   as rather stable indicators of social position  mobility, inflow and outflow analyses,
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                   and social class, contrary to income, which is  forced and pure mobility. A shared vocabu-
                   more volatile). We will review this source of  lary was thus  developed from the thirties to
                   tension in Sorokin’s approach, as well as in  the seventies.
                   the evolving field of social mobility, in the  But starting with Blau and Duncan’s very
                   next section.                           influential book, The American Occupational
                     A second source of tension originating in  Structure, in 1967, proponents of the grada-
                   Sorokin’s approach concerns the connection  tion approach were given a new and powerful
                   between mobility tables and interpretations  analytical instrument with the status attain-
                   of fluidity based on the role of social struc-  ment model, based on regression analyses
                   tures and especially institutions. Sorokin  involving continuous scales of Socio-
                   was, implicitly, inaugurating a comparative  Economic Status (SES) and of schooling.
                   style of analysis, in his case between modern  An explicit distinction between two tradi-
                   and more traditional societies. Early on, ana-  tions among analysts of social mobility
                   lysts of social mobility will adopt this idea,  developed thereafter. The social structure can
                   and start comparing contemporary societies  be regarded as a system of gradation, or as a
                   with respect to their fluidity; the latter is taken  system based on social relations of depend-
                   as an index both of modernity and of equity,  ence (Ossowski, 1963). According to Weber,
                   in the guise of equality of opportunities.  the status order describing ‘the way in which
                     But these social institutions are considered  social honour is distributed’ and ‘represented
                   as a whole, not in any of their specific influ-  by special styles of life’ is quite distinct from
                        5
                   ences. Indeed, the analysis usually proceeds  the economic order describing ‘the way
                   at the macro level, paying scant attention to  in which economic goods and services are
                   the meso level of specific institutions evoked  distributed and used’ (Weber, (1977) [1922]:
                   in Sorokin’s interpretive stance; no connection  chap. 9, part II).  This distinction has often
                   is usually suggested, not even ‘qualitatively’,  been simplified into an opposition between a
                   between what happens to specific occupa-  Weberian analysis of social status and a
                   tional categories and these institutional con-  Marxist class analysis, but it is indeed much
                   duits for mobility. The one exception, starting  broader. Marxian social classes are ‘qualita-
                   in the mid-1960s, is  the insistence, among  tive’ and relational, but as we will see later,
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