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                                       LIFECOURSE OF THE SOCIAL MOBILITY PARADIGM            205


                    so are the neo-Weberian social classes pro-  of gradation in the sociology of stratification
                    posed by Giddens (1973) and Goldthorpe  see social positions differing in degree rather
                    (1980). 7                               than kind, contemporary class schemas
                      The choice between these two ways of  emphasize qualitative differences and rela-
                    describing social structure appears related to  tional dependence.
                    the influence of particular ideological per-  One of the main contributions to the analy-
                    spectives at different periods of time.  We  sis using class schemas is due to Erikson and
                    have already discussed the reasons for the  Goldthorpe (1992), with the CASMIN proj-
                    emergence of a schema of gradation. By con-  ect. The purpose of their class schema is to
                    trast, many other occupational classifications,  differentiate occupational positions ‘in terms
                    such as the French one, were influenced by  of the employment relations that they entail’.
                    historical class struggles and by political  After presenting the classical three-fold
                    movements representing the working class  division between employers, employees and
                    (Desrosières, 2002).                    self-employed workers, they make another
                      The tradition of analyzing social structure  distinction, among employees, between two
                    in terms of a status order has been very pow-  kinds of employment relations: the ‘labour
                    erful in American sociology. In the twentieth  contract’ that ‘entails a relatively short-term
                    century, the popularity of vertical classifica-  and specific exchange of money for effort’
                    tions by strata was supported by a powerful  and the ‘service relationship’, which ‘involves
                    cultural representation of American society  a longer term and generally more diffuse
                    as an open society, which provides equality  exchange’. Service relationships are thus
                    of opportunities for social achievement  found mostly within bureaucratic organiza-
                    (Cuin, 1993). This literature on social strati-  tions ‘where it is required of employees that
                    fication has developed two main method-  they exercise delegated authority or special-
                    ological tools: the classification by strata and  ized knowledge and expertise’ (Erikson and
                    the index of socio-economic status.     Goldthorpe, 1992: 43).  This conceptualiza-
                    Conducting exhaustive interviews and sur-  tion of class structure takes partial inspiration
                    veys in Newburyport in the thirties, Warner  from Marxism, the main difference being
                    and his team of researchers, for instance,  that Goldthorpe does not refer to issues of
                    found that the social division of the town  exploitation and domination (as was done, in
                    should be analyzed as a schema of gradation  particular, by Wright (1989, 1997)). And the
                    and tried to build an index of social prestige  reference is quite explicit to Weber, since the
                    (Warner, 1963;  Warner and Lunt, 1942).  service class works in large public or private
                    These methodologies have been extensively  bureaucracies.
                    used in  American sociology to reduce the  The class and stratification perspectives on
                    multidimensional aspects of status to a  social structure are quite distinct, and they
                    unique, continuous, and simple scale. Two of  profoundly influence the way the social
                    the main methodological contributors to the  structure is characterized, and the way social
                    descriptive analysis of stratification, Duncan  mobility is analyzed. In conceptualizing ver-
                    (1961) and  Treiman (1977), both devised  tical mobility in particular, a schema of gra-
                    procedures for hierarchically scaling occupa-  dation is needed if one is to qualify mobility
                    tions.                                  as either ascending or descending. On the
                      Many other scholars have rejected this  contrary, lines of class demarcation cannot
                    implied unidimensionality of stratification.   translate into differences on a single vertical
                    We find explicit critical perspectives in many  scale, because they are conceptualized in
                    important contributions, such as Dumont’s  relational terms. Many authors following a
                    work on the caste system (1966) or      class perspective thus focus on permeability
                    Bourdieu’s focus on the structure of various  of class boundaries (Goldthorpe, 1987;
                    forms of capital (1984) [1979]. While schemas  Wright, 1997). This being said, hierarchical
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