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                     The social mobility literature at first trans-  While media stars, gangsters, and famous
                   lates its interest in longitudinal trajectories  sport players often represent archetypical
                   into a narrowly focused interest on the bivari-  figures of ascending vertical mobility, no
                   ate relationship between the occupational  article is devoted to the crucial role of such
                   classes of fathers and sons (and later on of  organizations as sports clubs, criminal gangs,
                   mothers and daughters) (Treiman and     and the arts.
                   Ganzeboom, 2000). It then turns to earnings  Very few articles criticize such implicit
                   or income, and to education. Few papers  assumptions as the theory of industrialism
                   refer to other aspects and determinants of  and the normative theory of educational mer-
                   social position such as lifestyles (Sobel,  itocracy. Only Jackson et al. (2005) and Dev
                   1983), life experiences through social inter-  Sharda (2005) have tackled the former, while
                   action, cultural orientations, and political  Wesolowski (1981) is very much alone in
                   action (Kingston, 1994), patterns of practices  discussing the theoretical weaknesses and
                   involving residential selection, children’s  social dangers of the meritocratic social doc-
                   peer groups, volunteer organizations    trine. According to him, the social mobility
                   (Kendall, 2006), or region, housing, and cul-  literature largely shares the following assump-
                   tural consumption (Ganzeboom et al., 1990).  tions: the effort a young person invests in
                     While Sorokin’s pioneering work evoked  obtaining higher levels of education should
                   many social mobility agencies such as the  be adequately rewarded; persons with higher
                   army, the church, the family, political, as  education contribute more, and therefore are
                   well as economic and professional organiza-  entitled to obtain more; differential rewards
                   tions, schools appear as the conventional  are necessary for social development.
                   channel of vertical circulation in RSSM. Most
                   of the papers try to understand differences in
                   educational attainment and aspirations, racial  Individualist views of institutional
                   or ethnic inequalities in access to education,  mediations
                   and, in a tacit use of human capital theory,
                   returns to schooling or training. By contrast,  Most authors in  RSSM study individual
                   few articles point to the crucial role of the  effects rather than collective identities, beliefs
                   family in mediating social mobility through  and attitudes, macro-social contexts, institu-
                   such mechanisms as inheritance of a business  tions, collective processes, and cultures.
                   (Szelenyi and Manchin, 1989;  Yonay and   The modelling of mobility is more con-
                   Kraus, 2001), marriage and divorce (Cohen,  cerned with ‘effects’ on social stratification
                   1986; Lichter and Landry, 1991; Park and  than with social classes, seen as identity
                   Smits, 2005; Peterson, 1987), child care   groups shaping their members’ individual
                   and family responsibilities (Maume and  and collective destinies. A small number of
                   Dunaway, 1989; Spilerman and Schrank,   articles analyze the ‘subjective’ aspects of
                   1991; Wenk and Rosenfeld, 1992).        stratification and mobility, and many of these
                     A few focus on social networks (Cohen,  exceptions can be found in the Marxist and
                   1986; Coverdill, 1998), political organiza-  neo-Weberian traditions, where studies
                   tions (Frankel, 1991; Hanley and  Treiman,  examine patterns of class consciousness or
                   2005; Massey et al., 1992; Opper et al., 2002;  class formation (Colbjornsen, 1988;
                   Useem, 1984), and community organi      Eisenstadt, 1984;  Wallace and Jepperson,
                   zations (Hoff, 2005; Rubin, 1992).  While  1986; Western, 1998). Only a few papers focus
                   army and church have long been traditional  on collective interests (Bills, 1998;  Wilson,
                   channels of vertical circulation, only  2001), socio-economic beliefs (Jackman and
                   Dronkers (1985) has examined the role of  Senter, 1983; Kluegel, 1988), public attitudes
                   religious affiliation in mediating mobility  (Sikora, 2005), social perceptions (Ayalon
                   and no article considers the role of the army.  et al., 1988), or social values (Silver and
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