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                   374               THE ISA HANDBOOK IN CONTEMPORARY SOCIOLOGY


                   who found Caneville – the sugar plantation,  sought to look at people and workers, not as
                   mill and the town that developed around it   commodities, the muscle, the fibre, the
                   (1964: 66), a ‘benevolent dictatorship’ with a  brain – they were not only a calculation or a
                   strict ‘hierarchy of races’ (1964: 73). He  price, but a social force and therefore group-
                   unpacked for us the peculiar colonial man-  ings with cultural significance, and individu-
                   agerialism that marked the industrial heritage  als with private, social needs ‘and the
                   of our region.                          creative energy to participate fully in cultural
                     The widespread repression of the early  and political life’ (Webster, 1991: 3). Such an
                   1960s marked also the decline of the ‘Natal  emphasis moved from the abstractions, ‘factor
                   School’. Leo Kuper left for moral and politi-  of production’, ‘abstract labour power’, to
                   cal reasons; his protégés Ben Magubane and  view working people’s lives from the perspec-
                   Fatima Meer went into exile, and spent many  tive of the concrete, the qualitative, what I
                   years banned, respectively; Hilstan  Watts  have termed, the ‘cultural formation’.
                   continued measuring poverty, but was left  The emerging field was the result of a vari-
                   unnoticed until the early 1970s when the  ety of ‘fusions’ between theoretical work,
                   Security Police found his insistence that  moral critique, commitments to struggles for
                   there were poor black people, subversive.   worker rights, the mixing up of many anti-
                   At best a ‘pragmatic realism’ developed  Apartheid discourses and the challenge of
                   which began to dialogue with power elites  major socio-economic struggles in the area.
                   about the need for reform.  Through large  There were also echoes of Christian libera-
                   social surveys it tried to convince that the  tion theology, and the communitarian tradi-
                   aspirations of the black majority were for-  tions of Ethiopian and Zionist churches
                   eign to  Apartheid decrees.  At the broader  brought to the projects through working class
                   level, the dignity black people and black  intellectuals.
                   labour were imbued with in the Kuper      Our first contribution (Kruger and Sitas,
                   ‘period’ reverted back to the crude cultural-  1995) was to understand a managerialism
                   ism of management schools: ‘motivating the  which was bifocal. There was the world of
                   Bantu to work’.                         white managers, artisans and workers (and to
                     It was only after the Durban strikes in  a lesser extent of ‘Indians’ and ‘Coloureds’),
                   1973, however, and the continuing challenge  which was governed by ‘modern’ statutes
                   of black worker militancy in the 1970s, that a  and collective bargaining. There was also the
                   new sociological school arose, which has  world of black workers, and ‘Zulus’ which
                   been described as the New Labour Studies.  over and above the segregationist statute of
                   Its priorities were to ‘understand ... the subjec-  the Apartheid years, was also governed by
                   tive experience of work’ (Webster, 1991: 3).  ‘traditional’ authorities. This style of gover-
                   As he explains:                         nance of people at work, we can label as
                                                           ‘colonial managerialism’.  A managerialism
                     in trying to find answers to why workers were join-
                     ing the new industrial unions in large numbers,  that ruled African workers differentially and
                     sociologists were drawn beyond the workplace to  elicited traditional forms of control to maxi-
                     an examination of working class cultural forma-  mize its modernized benefits. A style similar
                     tions as well as powerful political traditions that  to Chakrabarty’s (1989: 177) description of
                     shape the attitudes and political behaviour of black
                     workers. These new directions brought the subjec-  Bengali jute-mills in the first part of the
                     tive experience of work into industrial sociology  twentieth century, with its peculiar gover-
                     generating a number of studies which analyzed  nance steeped in an imagined oriental tradi-
                     culture and working life and the relationship of  tion, its displays of power and opulence and
                     unions to new social movements – what has been  control.
                     called social movement unionism (1991: 3).
                                                             What was peculiar about Natal’s industrial-
                     Particularly in Natal, with its divided work-  ization was the coexistence of ‘scientific man-
                   forces and idiosyncrasies, New Labour Studies  agement’ and bureaucratic  forms of  control
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