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Intro to Politics Communication (5th edn)-p.qxp  9/2/11  10:55  Page 21





                                          POLITICS, DEMOCRACY AND THE MEDIA
                                    DEMOCRACY AND THE MEDIA: A CRITIQUE

                           Since the eighteenth century the media, and the functions listed above, have
                           grown ever-more important to the smooth workings of the democratic
                           political process. The achievement of universal suffrage in most advanced
                           capitalist societies during the twentieth century was paralleled by a tech-
                           nological revolution in the means of mass communication as print, then film,
                           radio and television became available to mass audiences.
                             Since the 1950s especially, and the expansion of television into virtually
                           every household in the developed capitalist world, interpersonal political
                           communication has been relegated to the margins of the democratic process.
                           Nowadays, as Colin Seymour-Ure puts it, television has become an ‘integral
                           part of the environment within which political life takes place’ (1989, p. 308).
                           Surveys show that for the vast majority of people the media, including now
                           the internet, which grows in importance with every year, represent the main
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                           source of their information about politics. How, then, does the reality of
                           contemporary political discourse as communicated through and by the media
                           correspond to the ideal described above? To what extent do the media perform
                           the role allotted to them in liberal democratic theory?
                             Answering these questions requires a critical examination of both demo-
                           cratic structures and the media environment around them. It would, of
                           course, be naive to expect that these two sets of institutions should function
                           perfectly. It is important, however, to acknowledge the ways in which they
                           fall short of the ideal, and the significance of these shortcomings.


                                                The failure of education
                           First, it is argued by some observers that the normative assumption of a
                           ‘rational’ citizenry is not realistic. For Bobbio, one of the great ‘broken
                           promises’ of liberal democracy is the failure of the education system to
                           produce rational voters, a failure which he sees reflected in the growing
                           political apathy characteristic of such democratic exemplars as the US. ‘The
                           most well-established democracies’, he argues, ‘are impotent before the
                           phenomenon of increasing political apathy, which has overtaken about half
                           of those with the right to vote’ (1987, p. 36). When those who have the right
                           to vote decline to do so, democracy is clearly less than perfect. In the UK
                           general election of 2001, only 58 per cent of those eligible actually voted.
                           Turnout was 65 per cent in the general election of 2010.
                             Looking at the phenomenon of low voter turnout from another angle, it
                           may be argued that political apathy is an entirely rational, if slightly cynical
                           response to a political process in which it may appear to the individual
                           citizen that his or her vote does not matter. While democratic procedures
                           must include regular elections, it may be felt that voting once every four or
                           five years for one of two or at most three rather similar parties is ineffective


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