Page 134 - An Introduction to Political Communication Second Edition
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ADVER TISING

            National Health Service, and homelessness. Aesthetically, they were
            unsuccessful, being described by one author as ‘dark, depressing
            montages’ (Myers, 1986, p.122).
              On a television discussion of political advertising produced in 1989,
            presenter Michael Ignatieff and then Labour Director of
            Communications Peter Mandelson looked back at the amateurishness
            and clumsiness of the campaign with barely suppressed disbelief and
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            mockery,  but the party leadership’s approach to the agency, and the
            management of its own campaign (see next chapter) were equally
            lacking in skill.
              The transformation in the Labour Party’s approach to advertising,
            which by the 1987 election saw them being widely praised for having
            the best campaign, was provoked firstly and most obviously by the
            uniquely poor result of the 1983 election. The party in Parliament
            was reduced to 209 MPs, with even that number reflecting a
            significant over-representation of its voting performance, thanks to
            the British first-past-the-post electoral system.
              There can be little doubt that after the 1983 election Labour was
            facing the loss of its post-war status as the junior partner in a two-
            party system, and along with it any realistic hope of access to
            government. Clearly, something had to be done to halt the decline. A
            change in approach was further encouraged by the experience of the
            Labour-controlled Greater London Council in its struggle with the
            Thatcher government.
              In 1983 the abolition of the GLC was announced by a government
            which detested the thought of this nest of ‘reds under the beds’ running
            the capital city. Led by Ken Livingstone, the GLC was unmistakably
            ‘hard left’, promoting and implementing a wide range of progressive,
            socialist-inspired programmes, such as cheap fares on public
            transport, anti-sexism and anti-racism in schools, and public services
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            for gay, ethnic and other minorities.  While in these terms ‘left’, the
            GLC administration differed from the traditionalists in the Labour
            Party in understanding the role which advertising could play in their
            campaign against abolition.
              London was essentially a Conservative heartland, and the GLC
            the archetypal ‘loony left’. Livingstone and his colleagues
            appreciated that the battle with the government could not be won
            by the left’s preferred tactics of public demonstrations and rallies.
            Consequently, the GLC hired the agency Boas, Massimi and Pollitt
            (BMP), who had worked for unions and local governments but
            were primarily a commercial organisation. For BMP, in the words
            of its accounts director Peter Herd, ‘developing advertising in a

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