Page 173 - An Introduction to Political Communication Second Edition
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AN INTRODUCTION TO POLITICAL COMMUNICATION

              Schlesinger’s phrase refers us back to Stuart Hall et al.’s work on
            ‘primary definition’ (1978), which asserts a pattern of structured,
            differential access to media (and the power to define issues which
            such access potentially brings with it), favouring those in elite or
            dominant positions and discriminating against marginal or
            subordinate groups. For Hall et al. the former, by virtue of their
            privileged access to channels of mass communication, acquire the
            status of ‘primary definers’ in public debate about current issues.
            Their interpretations of events, their explanatory frameworks within
            which events are made sense of, become consensual, while alternative
            explanations and accounts are excluded or relegated to the margins,
            denied legitimacy.
              Hall et al.’s work is informed by a Marxist problematic which
            seeks to explain the relative invisibility of subordinate and
            oppositional accounts of social reality in the mass media, while
            avoiding the crude, ‘vulgar’ materialism of some Marxist academics.
            For Hall  et al. primary definers become so not simply because
            journalists and editors are ‘biased’ towards elite groups (although
            straightforward ideological bias may be a sufficient explanation in
            some cases) but as a result of the media’s structural relationships of
            dependence on, and deference to, recognised authority. The
            journalist’s need for reliable sources of information; editorial pressures
            to meet deadlines; and elite groups’ typically more developed systems
            for meeting these needs, gives them an inevitable advantage over the
            ‘dissident’ or oppositional group.
              This organisational factor is reinforced by cultural assumptions
            on the part of news-gatherers (which are widely shared in the society
            as a whole) about which sources are the most reliable and
            authoritative on a given issue (thus the Labour Home Office Minister
            is automatically a primary definer on law and order issues, while the
            views of the working-class resident of an inner-city housing estate
            are not sought, unless on an occasional chat or phone-in show with
            a ‘human interest’ angle).
              The primary definition thesis is a compelling one, which has
            proved useful in predicting and analysing patterns of access in media
            debate about a wide range of political issues. Schlesinger and others
            have pointed out, however, that it fails to account adequately for
            the complexity of mediated political debate, and the many cases
            where ‘primary definers’ have failed to impose their primary
            definitions on the public debate as a whole. Recent political history
            provides many examples of dominant or elite groups being, in effect,
            defeated in public debate, often by the activities of relatively

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