Page 56 - An Introduction to Political Communication Second Edition
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THE EFFECTS OF POLITICAL COMMUNICATION

            formulation and decision-making. Governments, and those who
            aspire to govern, allow their principles to be diluted on the
            recommendations of market researchers. Ideologies and value-
            systems are abandoned on the altar of popularity, and the activity
            of political persuasion becomes a cynical response to whatever this
            week’s polls say. Not only policies, but leaders are selected and
            jettisoned according to the whims of public opinion, regardless of
            their intellectual qualities. The image of the leader, it is argued,
            counts for more than his or her abilities; the smoothness of delivery
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            of a political message for more than its content.  The integrity of
            politics, in short, is undermined.
              Undoubtedly, image is perceived to be more important than it
            once was. Ronald Reagan, it is universally accepted, was not a great
            American president because of his ability to govern, but because of
            how, with the assistance of his actor’s training, he articulated his
            simple, homely messages. He was ‘the great communicator’ rather
            than the great thinker. Conversely, Michael Foot, the Labour Party’s
            leader from 1980 until 1983, was acknowledged by supporters and
            opponents alike to have been a formidable intellectual and a skilful
            party manager. In the age of television, unfortunately, he did not
            look and sound ‘right’. After Labour’s 1983 defeat he was quickly
            shunted off into back-bench retirement, to be replaced by the more
            ‘media-friendly’ Neil Kinnock.
              The examples of Reagan, Foot (and, to a lesser extent perhaps,
            the 1984 and 1988 US Democratic challengers for the presidency,
            Walter Mondale and Michael Dukakis) are regularly cited by those
            who bemoan the ascendancy of the image as a deciding factor in
            voting behaviour. The trend is alleged to represent a move away
            from the rationality of the democratic ideal to a more irrational,
            fickle political process in which the ‘real’ issues are marginalised by
            trivial considerations of appearance and personality.
              An opposing argument asserts that the importance of image is
            overstated. How, such voices ask, did George Bush—Doonesbury’s
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            ‘invisible man’  —win the 1988 presidential election? How did John
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            Major, whose Spitting Image  puppet portrayed him with a deep
            grey pallor, defeat the more charismatic Kinnock in 1992? The
            suggestion here is that voters are in fact less vulnerable to
            manipulation by glossy images than has become the received wisdom,
            and that, in any case, one voter’s attractive, homely leader is another’s
            synthetic conman. John Major’s success in the 1992 general election
            has been attributed by some to the fact that he was not packaged in
            the manner of a Reagan, Thatcher, or Kinnock, but stood for himself,

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