Page 52 - An Introduction to Political Communication Second Edition
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THE EFFECTS OF POLITICAL COMMUNICATION

                  DOES POLITICAL COMMUNICATION WORK?
                                MICRO-EFFECTS
            According to a MORI poll conducted during the British general
            election of June 1987, the determinants of voting behaviour,
            particularly for the crucial section of ‘floating’ or undecided voters
            who will ultimately decide the outcome, are threefold. They are,
            firstly (and still, apparently, most importantly), the image of party
            policy (44 per cent); secondly, the voters’ image of the party leadership
            (35 per cent of choices in 1987 were attributed by respondents to
            this factor); and finally, the ‘corporate’ image of the party itself (21
            per cent) (Worcester, 1991, p.111).
              Each of these aspects of a party’s identity have to be communicated,
            suggesting at the very least that the ability and skill to communicate
            can be important in influencing political behaviour and electoral
            outcomes.
              Among the experiments conducted into the efficacy of political
            communication at this level is Rosenberg and McCafferty’s study of
            the extent to which ‘public relations experts [can] manipulate the
            public’s impression of a political candidate’ (1987, p.31). Their
            concern in this research was with non-verbal aspects of
            communication, or the candidate’s ‘image’ defined in narrow, physical
            terms. As they put it, ‘we are interested in exploring whether or not
            it is possible to manipulate an individual’s appearance in a way that
            affects both voters’ judgments of the candidate and the choice they
            make at the ballot box’ (Ibid.).
              To test the hypothesis that image does matter in shaping political
            behaviour, Rosenberg and McCafferty selected a group of American
            university students, whom they exposed to multiple photographs of
            a series of fictional election candidates. The pictures differed in ways
            intended to generate negative and positive responses, such as the
            inclusion or omission of a smile. It was found that such changes
            affected ‘both the degree to which an individual is perceived to be fit
            for public office and the degree to which he is perceived to possess
            those qualities (competence, integrity, and likableness) that other
            research has shown to be relevant to voters’ evaluations of political
            candidates’ (Ibid., p.37). Furthermore, even when subjects were made
            aware of the respective candidates’ policies on important issues, image
            as constructed by the photograph continued to exert an influence on
            voting intentions.
              The researchers acknowledged the methodological limitations of
            their research, in so far as it was an artificial election with artificial

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