Page 135 - Carbon Capitalism and Communication Confronting Climate Crisis
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124  D. McKNIGHT AND M. HOBBS

              Collectively these advertisements, which ran from early 2011 to
            mid-2012, were powerful communicative tactics that effectively built the
            myth that the mining industry was central to the Australian economy and
            way of life. They were also widely seen by the public. In a corporate video
            highlighting the work of his agency, Neil Lawrence stated that nearly 17
            million Australians (out of a national population of 22.5 million) had seen
            the televised versions of his advertisements, on average eight times, with a
            further 8.9 million also being exposed to the print media versions (Pearse
            et al. 2013, p. 102). Many others saw the advertisement in cinemas or
            online. According to Lawrence’s market research on the campaign’s
            effectiveness, these advertisements made people ‘feel good about mining’
            and ‘want to get a job in mining’. Moreover, much like his early campaigns
            ‘Kevin 07’ and ‘Keep Mining Strong’, fellow-advertising executives praised
            the ‘Mining: Our Story’ advertisements for their creativity, visuals and
            emotional impacts. However, this would be Neil Lawrence’s last campaign
            for the Minerals Council of Australia, as he was killed in a scuba diving
            accident while on holiday in the Maldives in 2015 (Zwartz 2016).
              The charm offensive of the mining industry does of course consist of
            other tactics than advocacy advertisements. As Pearse et al. (2013) have
            documented,  the  mining   industry  has  also  been  employing
            community-targeted public relations in the form on sponsorships, grants,
            education resources and other financial largesse, which are often celebrated
            in Corporate Social Involvement brochures. Some of these activities
            include aid relief for families affected by floods, funding helicopter rescue
            services and healthcare facilities at regional hospitals, sponsorships for
            cultural programs such as wine and food fairs, film festivals and agricultural
            shows, producing education resources on the mining industry for schools,
            providing money for conservation programs for threatened species and
            environmental restoration and community support grants for services
            offering affordable housing. In addition to these benevolent efforts, which
            further bolster community support for coal mining, industry bodies also
            provide financial support for researchers and think tanks such as the
            Melbourne-based Institute of Public Affairs (IPA), which has been sup-
            porting the mining sector with research and reports that promote doubt
            about climate change (Pearse et al. 2013, p. 150).
              The final aspect of mining industry’s charm offensive in recent years has
            been their financial donations to individual politicians and political parties
            (Murphy 2016; Slezak 2016). While contradictory disclosure laws and
            loopholes make it difficult to identify all political donations provided by the
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