Page 191 - Carbon Capitalism and Communication Confronting Climate Crisis
P. 191

14  JOURNALISM, CLIMATE COMMUNICATION AND MEDIA ALTERNATIVES  185

                and users, and empower ordinary people to engage in public
                discourse;
              • mobilization-orientation; a positive orientation towards progressive
                social change, and productive connections with (but not subordina-
                tion to) social movements;
              • engagement with communities, whether defined in terms of shared
                locale, or shared interests;
              • independence from state and corporate control, and from commercial
                imperatives; individual or co-operative ownership;
              • low degree of capitalization; often reliant on volunteer labour, grants
                and donations; conventional production values and standards of
                professionalism may be less important (Atton and Hamilton 2008).
            Those characteristics mesh well with climate crisis journalism that would
            seek to both inform and mobilize counterpublics, engage local commu-
            nities and challenge entrenched power. In a study of alternative media
            coverage of climate change in Vancouver, Gunster (2011) concluded that
            it offered much more hopeful, optimistic and engaged visions of climate
            politics than the cynical, pessimistic and largely spectatorial accounts which
            dominated conventional news. While alternative media were deeply critical
            of the spectacular failure of ‘politics-as-usual’ at the 2009 Copenhagen
            summit, they invited the public to respond with outrage and (collective)
            action rather than (individualized) despair and hopelessness. Informed by a
            more sophisticated and broadly sympathetic understanding and exploration
            of the multiplicity of climate activisms, alternative media (re)positioned
            political action and engagement as viable, meaningful and accessible forms
            of agency for those struggling to respond to climate change. Particularly
            important in inspiring hope, were stories of political success—concrete
            examples of civic activism, political struggle, innovative and effective public
            policy, and transformative change in communities, institutions and gov-
            ernments (Gunster 2012). Such portrayals can normalize political
            engagement as something that ordinary people actually do, remind publics
            that another world is possible, and thus:

              not only feed upon the hope, nourished by historical example and con-
              sciousness, that democratic pressure can compel [existing] institutions to
              behave differently, but also awaken the political imagination to the utopian
              prospect of inventing new institutions and even new forms of politics in
              response to environmental crisis. Such an expansion of the conceptual and
   186   187   188   189   190   191   192   193   194   195   196