Page 129 - Chinese Woman Living and Working
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116 LOUISE EDWARDS
            there was great variation in whether quotas or targets were applied or aspired to around
            the country (Jacka 1997:88 and 228). As a result of this shift, there was grave concern
            that the numbers of women elected to political office would decline. As this chapter will
            reveal, a decade since the start of the reforms the situation appears to be slightly more
            complicated than a simple decline in numbers resulting from the decline in protective
            measures. (See the accompanying tables for an overview of women’s participation in both
            Party and state bodies.)
              In the state structure—as opposed to the CCP structure—it appears that a maximum
            limit for women may have been established. Numbers of women delegates to the NPC
            have been stable at 21 per cent since 1978, despite the removal of quotas and targets (see
            Table 5.1). Moreover, women have represented about 22 per cent  of the deputies  at the

            Table 5.1 Number and gender composition of deputies to the National People’s Congress


















            Source: Adapted from Wang Yinpeng (2001), p. 6.
            local and provincial level in the last two elections as well (averaging variations for specific
            provincial and county conditions) (see Table 5.4). It appears that the targets and quotas
            have become unofficial maximum limits. The ‘quota/limit’ in numbers permitted into the
            political scene is accompanied by a ‘glass ceiling’ that serves to stop women progressing to
            the upper echelons of NPC decision-making structures. The numbers of women in the
            higher levels of NPC—that is, at the State Council and Standing Committee levels—
            remain low for the entire post-1980s reform period (see Tables 5.2 and 5.3). The peak in
            numbers for these higher echelon positions that occurred during the Cultural Revolution
            in 1975 and 1978 has not received a positive appraisal in recent years. This is because the
            discrediting of the Cultural Revolution as a whole denies this particular aspect of ‘success’
            as being regarded as anything other than an aberration—indeed it has been described as
            having led the women’s movement along an ‘unhealthy path’ (Ye Zhonghai 2000:222).
            Lin Jiling  describes it as  a period when equality between  the sexes went so far  as to
            diminish any distinctions  between the  sexes—clothing,  work divisions and aesthetics
            (2001:256).
              At the broader political  level, women  have  a marginal place within China. In
            1993  women  represented  only  17 per cent of  the  Leading Cadres of  the China’s Mass
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