Page 41 - Communication Processes Volume 3 Communication Culture and Confrontation
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16  Guy Poitevin

                scholarly operations which continue to be carried out upon popular
                traditions as upon a corpse. By unreflectingly taking over a pre-
                constituted corpus considered as ‘support’ or ‘reflection’ of a ‘popular
                mentality’, they fail ‘to make a sufficient inquiry into the historical
                operations which had provided them with their material’, and, as a
                result, they are ‘reduplicating the separation between this material and
                the life of the people it was supposed to represent’ (Ahearne 1995: 133).
                For instance, who wrote such literature? Who was reading it? What
                about internalized censorship and literary convention?
                  Among the interpretative operations, the following ones consolidate
                the construction of the popular as the ‘other’: the inherited exclusion
                of disturbing aspects of the popular (violence, sexuality and the
                threatening alterity of the child) and abstraction from the historical con-
                ditions in which popular representations were produced, although ‘the
                links between the texts and a political history are fundamental. They
                alone can explain how a particular gaze was constituted’ (de Certeau
                1993: 67. Emphasis mine). The edifying myths of the ‘people’ which
                circulate in a variety of administrative, interpretative and ideological
                discourses imply an excision of less comfortable or convenient forms
                of alterity.
                  Eventually one detects in erudite studies of popular culture an
                obsession with the question of a lost origin—a quest or a fascination that
                we have already often seen associated with folklore. ‘The fantasmatic
                presence of a putative origin endows the productions of popular culture
                in the eyes of learned observers with a distinctive aura’ (Ahearne 1995:
                134). This aura is ambiguous as it tends to overshadow those elements
                that would clash with the pure and authentically popular origin as
                preconceived by the interpreters. What is then its essential function?
                de Certeau raises the question in the very terms of an historian of
                popular cultures:

                  Henri Marrou said that in the last instance, ‘the folksong draws its
                  distinctive character from the popular halo which covers it in our
                  eyes’. What is then the meaning of this phantom that designates the
                  origin and at the same time conceals it, this ‘halo’ that manifests
                  while it ‘covers’? (de Certeau 1993: 58–59)

                de Certeau, Julia and Revel’s answer is that while setting the truth of
                the people back, as it were, from the actual texts or people, who stand
                in front of them:
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