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22 COMMUNICA TION THEORY
The mass/elite model of society has been criticized by Marxist
perspectives on communication and more recently within cultural studies.
The Marxist critique labels mass/elite theory as an ideology of erasing a
politics of class (neutralizing the realities of the ruling class versus the
working class), whilst cultural studies is concerned with the way in which
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the framework treats audiences as ‘passive’. Interestingly, the Marxist
and cultural studies critiques dismiss ‘mass society’ perspectives insofar
as they are deemed to be serious contenders for a sociological framework.
Tony Bennett argues, for example, that as a theory of society, it is gener-
ally imprecise, that its historical commitments are at best romantic and
at worst vague, and that there is no account of the transition between
periods of social integration (Bennett, 1982: 37). Yet it is, of course, precisely
because it developed in the period when broadcast media were in ascen-
dance that this ‘imprecise’ theory came about. My own argument is that
the mass society outlook, if thought about in relation to the media, is
an entirely appropriate response to the embryonic dynamics of media-
constituted integration. I agree with the above critiques that it cannot be
taken seriously as a sociological framework, but as a theoretical expression
of, as well as response to, the way broadcast media are able to reconstitute
social relations it provides some early conceptual tools for this – even if
these are inadequate by today’s standards.
For example, mass society theory is sometimes accused of homoge-
nizing media forms themselves. As John Hartley suggests, ‘it is difficult to
encompass the diversity of what constitutes print, cinema, radio and tele-
vision within one definition’ (in O’Sullivan et al., 1994: 172). But this is
only true if we are interested in the significatory properties of these media. 6
Where these media do converge, however, is in the capacity to act as bear-
ers of a homomorphic medium of communication, which produces audi-
ences whose field of recognition is vertically constituted.
It is significant that it was only during the period of the massive rise
of broadcast through television in the 1950s and 1960s that literature again
began to appear dealing with the age of the masses (see Bell, 1962;
Kornhauser, 1960; Shils, 1957). This is the time when another, very differ-
ent kind of mass society theory made its debut in the form of what Stuart
Hall has called ‘American Dream Sociology’. This kind of sociology, rep-
resented by the writings of Daniel Bell, Seymour Lipset and Edward Shils,
argued that the general liberalization of society, supposedly measured by
the participation of the working class in politics and the growth of wel-
fare, had solved earlier conflicts arising within civil society to the point
where a new consensus had been achieved by which resources were at
last being distributed according to a harmonious pluralist pragmatism.
This thesis, known as the ‘end of ideology’ thesis, argued that the funda-
mental political problems of the industrial revolution have been solved:
the workers have achieved industrial and political citizenship; the con-
servatives have accepted the welfare state; and the democratic left has
recognized that increase in overall state power carried with it more