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                                                           Theories of Broadcast Media  23
                  dangers to freedom than solutions for economic problems (Lipset, 1963:
                  406). The 1950s renaissance of mass society theory was therefore one with
                  ‘the elite’ subtracted from it where the masses had been redefined as the
                  melting pot of democratic evolution. Shils was working earlier than the
                  other theorists at revising the 1930s formulations in which the masses had
                  achieved the long march from the outskirts of the social, cultural and
                  political landscape to the democratized and pluralized community or uni-
                  versal speech. Such speech was, of course, guaranteed rather than trun-
                  cated by the mass media. It is as if in fact such a democratization of
                  the masses had not been possible without the rise of the media. In this
                  way, American Dream Sociology saw the media as simply a transparent
                  extension of the democratic public sphere, a continuation of the social by
                  other means, where the media act in service to the community. As Stuart
                  Hall (1982) describes it, ‘in its purest form, pluralism [American Dream
                  Sociology] assured that no structural barriers or limits of class would
                  obstruct this process of cultural absorption: for, as we all ‘knew’, America
                  was no longer a class society. Nothing prevented the long day’s journey
                  of the American masses to the centre’ (60).
                      Contrary to the way in which the presumed homogenizing function
                  of the media was celebrated, several of the empirical studies of a behav-
                  iourist and positivist kind conducted at the height of this perspective
                  confirmed the opposite effect, that audiences were in fact highly differen-
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                  tiated and heterogeneous (e.g. Lazarsfeld and Kendall, 1949). Such studies
                  were effectively repositioned by Shils in yet another twist in the tale of
                  mass society theory, as proof of the confirmation of the ‘homogeneous’
                  pluralistic tolerance of mediatized democracies.
                      What is characteristic of both the early and later versions of mass
                  society theory is their adherence to empiricist and positivist epistemologies
                  of the media. That is to say, in arguing that the media are able to extend the
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                  democratic process, by circulating views, a number of metaphysical com-
                  mitments are made which have since been critiqued by linguistic perpec-
                  tives on the media (semiotic, structuralist and post-structuralist). The media
                  are largely assumed capable of providing a transparent reflection of reality
                  (language is transparent), whether this be as a reflection of events (the news),
                  of culture (popular culture), or of morality and art (film and literature).
                  Secondly, the status of the individual is unproblematic for this model. For
                  example, the position (qua perspective) from where a media product might
                  be consumed is disregarded. Thirdly, all individuals (subjects) are deemed
                  to have the same opportunity for observation.




                  Mass media as a culture industry – from critical theory to cultural studies

                  A major counter-perspective to the liberal-pluralist idea that the mass
                  media are a democratizing extension of social forms is represented in the
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