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181                        Legitimation  Problems  in  the  Modern  State

         and  Niklas  Luhmann  come  close  to  the  position  that  in  the  modern
         state  decisions  legally  arrived  at  are  accepted,  so  to  speak,  without
         motives.  On  a  somewhat  different  level  we  find  the  position  that  the
         social  integration  achieved  through  values  and  norms  and  protected
         by  the  authority  of  the  state  could  in  principle  be  replaced  by  system
         integration,  that  is,  by  the  latent  functions  of  nonnormative  social
         structures  (or  mechanisms).>  Corresponding  to  this  is  the  assertion
         that  system  performance  can  render  representations  of  legitimacy  su-
         perfluous,  that  the  neutrally  observable  efficiency  of  the  state  appar-
         atus  or  of  the  economic  system  (and  not  only  the  efficiency  perceived
         and  evaluated  by  participants)  is  effective  for  legitimation.6  These
         assertions  are  incompatible  with  the  proposed  usage  of  the  concept  of
         legitimacy.
           b.  Furthermore,  according  to  this  usage,  problems  of  legitimacy  are
         not  a  specialty  of  modern  times.  The  formulas  of  legitemum  imperium
         or  legitimum  dominium  were  widespread  in  Rome  and  in  the  Euro-
         pean  Middle  Ages.*  Political  theories  occupied  themselves  with  the
         issue  of  the  rise  and  fall  of  legitimate  domination,  in  Europe  at
         the  latest  since  Aristotle,  if  not  since  Solon.  And  we  can  demonstrate
         the  existence  of  legitimacy  conflicts  themselves  in  all  older  civilizations,
         even  in  archaic  societies,  when,  in  the  wake  of  colonization,  they  col-
         lide  with  conquerors  from  societies  organized  through  states.  In  tra-
         ditional  societies,  legitimation  conflicts  typically  take  the  form  of
         prophetic  and  messianic  movements  that  turn  against  the  official  ver-
         sion  of  religious  doctrine,  which  legitimates  the  state  or  a  priestly
         domination,  the  church  or  a  colonial  domination.  In  the  process  the
         insurgents  appeal  to  the  original  religious  content  of  the  doctrine—
         examples  would  be  the  prophetic  movements  in  Israel,  the  spread  of
         primitive  Christianity  in  the  Roman  Empire,  the  heretical  movements  of
         the  Middle  Ages  up  to  the  Peasants’  War,  but  also  the  messianic,
         millenarian  movements  among  indigenous  populations  who  took  the
         religion  of  their  colonial  masters  only  to  turn  it  against  them,  criticiz-
         ing  their  legitimacy.  V.  Lanternari  cites  the  revealing  saying  of  a  Zulu
         prophet:  “At  first  we  had  the  land  and  you  the  Bible;  now  you  have
         the  land  and  we  are  left  with  the  Bible.’’  9  I  cannot  understand  how,  in
         the  face  of  these  world-wide  phenomena,  one  could  insist  on  reserving
         legitimation  problems  to  bourgeois  society  and  the  modern  state.
           c.  I  find  even  less  comprehensible  the  assertion  that  legitimation
         problems  have  nothing  to  do  with  class  conflicts.  With  the  differentia-
         tion  of  a  political  control  center,  there  arose  the  possibility  of  un-
         coupling  access  to  the  means  of  production  and  appropriation  of  so-
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