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US Foreign  Communication Policy           31

             According  to  Robert  Cox,  'The nature  of the  state is ... [in  part]
           defined by the class structure on which the state rests.' 32  Rather than
           portraying a  crude dominance  of a  ruling  class,  in  which  dominant
           agents use the state instrumentally, Cox agrees with Skocpol in under-
           standing  that  the  actions  of state  actors  are  directly  influenced  by
           historically based structural capacities. According to Cox,

             state  actions  are  constrained  by  knowledge  on  the  part  of  the
             state's agents of what the class structure makes possible and what
             it  precludes. . . .  The  structure  defining  these  tasks  and  limits,
             which becomes part and parcel of the state itself, is  . . .  called the
             historic bloc.  33

              Cox  explains  a  historic  bloc  to  be  a  'complex  of  social  class
           relations ... [which]  sets  the  practical  limits  for  feasible  goals  and
           methods   of  exerc1smg   power.'   Significant   social-economic
           movements and related power shifts will  generate disruptions within
           a  bloc.  In  such  disruptive  periods,  'classes  and  ideologies  and  the
           political  parties  that  shape  and  guide  them  form  rival  historic
           blocs contending over the very nature of the state.  If one bloc,'  says
           Cox,  'displaces  another,  a  new  state is  born  and with  a  new  raison
           d'etat.'
             In sum, a historic bloc is a complex alliance of interests which both
           reflect and direct the character of dominant political-economic activ-
           ities  at a  given  period of capitalist history.  Directly linked to  such
                                                 34
           historic  blocs  and  their  capacities  are  more  general  complexes  of
           national  and  international  production  relations  and  classes,  and
           these  both influence and are influenced by  a  particular world  order.
           Cox and other Gramscian international political economists (such as
           Stephen  Gill)  deem  such  a  world  order  to  be  hegemonic  if  'the
           dominant state creates an order based ideologically on a  broad meas-
           ure of consent.' Cox continues that in such an order,

             production in particular countries becomes connected through the
             mechanisms of a world economy and linked into world systems of
             production.  The  social classes  of the  dominant country find  allies
             in  classes  within  other  countries.  The  historic  blocs  underpinning
             particular  states  become  connected  through  the  mutual  interests
             and ideological perspectives of social classes in different countries,
             and global classes begin to form.  An incipient world society grows
             up  around  the  interstate  system,  and  states  themselves  become
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