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The North/Central European Model
gain equal status as Danes. But in the “An acceptance of fundamental
real world more than half of the Danish attitudes and values is
migrants of working age are outside necessary if integration is going to
the labor market. And it has succeed. ... I am not saying that all
worsened the last decade. In 1985, 48 Danes live up to these norms, but we
percent of migrants from have drawn up a number of
non-Western countries were outside requirements that also apply for the
the labor market. Today the figure is Danes,” says the chairman of the
59 percent. think thank....
The Think Tank maintains also But according to Jørgen Bæk
that it is strongly worried that many Simonsen, lecturer, dr. phil. at the
migrants cannot provide for University of Copenhagen who is an
themselves. All in all 38 percent of all expert in Islam and the Arabic world,
welfare expenses by society goes to the list of criteria for Danishness will
the five percent of the population hardly encourage integration:
who come from non-Western “This is an odd understanding of
countries. integration,whenitisinfactall
These two points make the Think about how foreigners have to submit
Tank conclude that they will become to Danish society. There is nothing
a serious burden on the welfare in this relation that indicates that
society if it does not succeed in Danes also have to make a move.”
getting migrants into the job market Muharrem Aydas, the chairman
so that they can maintain themselves of the POEM, the umbrella
at a much higher level than today, organization for ethnic minorities,
according to JP’s sources. calls the list “an arrogant forefinger.”
confront the economic crisis of the Great Depression and to avoid the
polarization and collapse of democracy that occurred in neighboring
Germany and Austria, as it did in Spain and Italy to the south. These
compromises involved industrial peace agreements, cross-class agree-
ments on plans for economic and political stabilization, and in many
cases broad political coalitions incorporating both left and right, many
of which continued to work together as governments in exile during the
Nazi occupation. The system that resulted, according to Katzenstein “is
distinguished by three traits: an ideology of social partnership expressed
at the national level; a relatively centralized and concentrated system of
interest groups; and voluntary and informal coordination of conflict-
ing objectives through continuous political bargaining between inter-
est groups, state bureaucracies and political parties” (32). Austria and
Germany adopted much of this model after World War II, though in
the German case, in Katzenstein’s analysis, modified by the dominant
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