Page 95 - Conflict, Terrorism, and the Media In Asia
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84 Prasun Sonwalkar
              than that of any other developing country’. India’s English-language press is
              closely implicated with the values of the political and social elites, most of them
              exposed to western ideas of modernity. On the other hand, the non-English lan-
              guage press is considered to reflect more adequately the life situation of the vast
              majority that is unfamiliar with the English language and western values. This
              juncture within the Indian media was also evident during the coverage of Gujarat
              2002 – widely dubbed as India’s first communal riot for the satellite television era.
                The events reflected and reinforced a politics that, since the late 1980s, had
              been enacted as ‘permanent performance’ on a stage carefully nurtured by the
              pro-Hindutva forces. As Hansen observed,
                 Democracy in India has produced a culture of politics that is incredibly fluid,
                 situational and dynamic – where stable constituencies, alliances, equations
                 and ideological principles are in constant flux and redefinition. In such a
                 culture it is those who can create a collective mood, or the illusion of a col-
                 lectivity driven by a mood – both highly ephemeral phenomena – that can set
                 political agendas at least for some time...To perform this type of politics
                 depends, therefore, on the ability to stage public performances, to use and
                 employ a range of registers that can generate authority, and put the power of
                 rumours, myth and other cultural registers to effective use.
                                                              (Hansen 2004: 23)

              Politics and political violence in India are framed against the shifting quicksands
              of religion, caste, community, language, gender, region and individuals belonging
              to influential groups or families. As Nandy (1970: 58) observed, ‘It is possible to
              interpret the political process in India as a continuing attempt to reconcile older
              categories of thought and social character to the demands of nation-building and
              political culture as a complex of continuities’. Generating collective moods, par-
              ticularly during elections, has been a key method of political mobilization. More
              often than not, such mobilization also involves violence – indeed, violence has
              been central to electoral politics in northern states such as Bihar and Uttar Pradesh.
                But before setting out an overview of contemporary Hindutva-oriented politics,
              it is important to set out definitions of some key terms used in the discourse:

              ●  Sangh parivar This is the umbrella term used for various organizations
                 owing allegiance to the Hindutva ideology. These organizations – such as the
                 Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP; World Hindu Council) and the Bajrang Dal
                 (an organization of young devotees of Lord Hanuman, considered a symbol
                 of physical strength and power) – have been formed by, and work under the
                 close supervision of, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), or the
                 national volunteers association. ‘Parivar’ is the Hindi word for family and
                 ‘sangh parivar’ refers to the family of organizations spawned by the RSS.
              ●  BJP Bharatiya Janata Party, which literally means Indian People’s Party. It
                 is the political front of the ‘sangh parivar’, and strives to capture political
                 power while aiming at reviving the Hindu social order and traditions in order
                 to reinforce and distinctively establish the dominance of Hindus in India.
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