Page 54 - Contemporary Cultural Theory
P. 54

NATIONALISM AND CULTURE

            cultural boundaries of Greater British nationalism have indeed been
            prised open, then the Yookay has increasingly been exposed to the
            foreignness within as well as to that without, to Wales as well as to
            California.
              But the second objection remains. If Wales were to become an
            independent nation-state, limited and sovereign, then what would
            there be to prevent its nationalism from becoming any the less
            presumptuously exclusionary than those of other nation-states? In
            any already independent nation-state in peacetime the nationalist
            political imagination is normally directed not against possible external
            enemies, but against various internal enemies, and in particular against
            those non-national imaginations which most threaten to subvert the
            seamless web of national unity. There might well be a necessary and
            unavoidable conflict, then, between a nationalist imagination centred
            on the category of nation and, for example, a feminist imagination
            centred on that of gender; between nationalism and the kinds of socialist
            imagination centred on class; between nationalism and the “multi-
            cultural” imaginings of non-national or sub-national ethnic groups.
              The latter case is especially complicated, given that the not-yet
            independent nation is easily imaginable as itself a subordinate ethnicity.
            There is a certain confusion in Williams’s own position here. While
            Wales, Scotland and Ireland are in fact already imagined as nations
            and as would-be nation-states, and although even the English regions
            are in principle imaginable as such, the West Indian community in
            Britain, by contrast, remains simply unimaginable as a nation-state,
            though not, of course, as part of a wider non-British nation. Though
            the Welsh or the Quebecois might well still choose between nationalism
            and multiculturalism, only the latter remains at all available to the
            Afro-Carribean and Bengali communities in Britain or to the Greek
            and Italian communities in Canada or Australia. For these last,
            multiculturalism seems likely to remain radically incompatible with
            any but the most tentative of cultural nationalisms.
              Meaghan Morris, the Australian feminist cultural critic, has argued
            that cultural nationalisms and especially those which have a “strong
            indigenous-Maoist streak…seem to impose a discourse on identity—
            not just national or cultural identity…but also the call for a programme
            in which speakers identify themselves, take a position in a struggle”. 81
            Morris’s remarks seem pertinent not only to Australian radical
            nationalism, but to all culturalisms. It is possible, however, to construe


                                       45
   49   50   51   52   53   54   55   56   57   58   59