Page 55 - Contemporary Cultural Theory
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CULTURALISM

            this peculiar “solidarity effect”, as I will term it, much more positively
            than did Morris, at least insofar as the solidarity thus invoked is indeed
            emancipatory in its practical political and cultural implications. And
            this has very often been the case for those solidarities by which
            subordinated communities of class, gender, race or ethnicity have
            sought to organize their collective lives. Solidarity, community and
            culture need not always prove bogus; they might very well render
            social life meaningful, creative and, indeed, genuinely co-operative.
            The imagined community of the nation-state remains a very special
            case, however, precisely because it seems unimaginable except as
            superordinate to and sovereign over all other imaginable communities:
            the nation-state is not simply a community, but also a state, and states
            are by definition sovereign.
              Arguing in defence of Irish cultural nationalism, Terry Eagleton
            has borrowed from Williams an analogy between class and nation 82
            that points to the need to go, not so much around nationality as “all
            the way through it and out the other side”. “To wish class or nation
            away, to seek to live sheer irreducible difference now”, Eagleton
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            continues, “is to play straight into the hands of the oppressor”.  In
            this specific instance of a people constituted as Irish and Catholic by
            centuries of Anglo-Scottish and Protestant oppression, and of a state
            still not yet fully independent, a nation imaginable and imagined as
            whole but not yet so, it becomes difficult to dissent from Eagleton’s
            judgement. The whole process of nation-state building is here so
            obviously already under way, and yet so obviously already stalled, as
            to make of nationality an almost unavoidable politico-cultural referent.
            Much the same could be said of Palestine. But in fully sovereign “post-
            colonial” states such as Australia or Canada, the practical import of
            such cultural nationalisms already appears both much less radical
            and much less unavoidable. And even if the Irish or the Palestinians
            are indeed doomed to go through nationalism and out the other side,
            then this surely need not mean that all imaginable nations must follow
            suit. Given the presence of a sufficiently persuasive and materially
            interested local intelligentsia, almost any geographically defined social
            group can be imagined as a nation, and any nation as a nation-state.
            The practical political and cultural questions then become immediately
            concrete: what real emancipatory potential would it yield were the
            peoples of Yorkshire or Lancashire, for example, to begin to imagine
            themselves in ways analogous to those of Serbia or Croatia? Very


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