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                           Critical theory: from ideology critique to the sociology of culture



                     insisted that sociological ‘science’ could itself uncover ‘the pos-
                     sibilities for action’ that politics will need to explore (p. 629).
                     Where the Frankfurt School had conceived of intellectuals as
                     significantly productive of critical sensibility, Bourdieu tended to
                     detect only material self-interest. This kind of ‘reflexive’ critique
                     is necessary, he argued, to break with the ‘habits of thought,
                     cognitive interests and cultural beliefs bequeathed by several
                     centuries of literary, artistic or philosophical worship’ (Bourdieu
                     2000, p. 7). But such cynicism can easily lead to a radical over-
                     estimation of the reproductive powers of the social status quo.
                       Bourdieu struggled to find ways of thinking the role of the
                     intellectual that could allow for his own developing aspiration
                     to activism. Hence his interest in what he termed the ‘corporatism
                     of the universal’, the idea that intellectuals have a kind of collec-
                     tive self-interest in the defence of the culture sphere, which can
                     somehow translate into something close to a traditional humanist
                     politics (Bourdieu, 1989; Bourdieu, 1996). The problem should be
                     obvious, however: the approach belied his own scepticism about
                     the intelligentsia’s pretensions to distinction, while simultane-
                     ously understating the general moral significance of his own
                     political interventions.  As a British socialist writer observed:
                     ‘Bourdieu’s political stance...is...less a reflection [of] than
                     an antidote to aspects of his theoretical vision’ (Wolfreys, 2000,
                     p. 99). Whatever the limits and possibilities of Frankfurt School
                     critical theory, this could hardly ever be said of either Adorno
                     or Habermas.





















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