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                                      Contemporary Cultural Theory



                   English-speaking world. In its most recent manifestation, as ‘neo-
                   liberalism’ or ‘economic liberalism’—what in Britain was known
                   as ‘Thatcherism’; in the United States, ‘Reaganism’; in Australia,
                   bizarrely enough, ‘economic rationalism’—it has provided the
                   major analytical framework for the policy-making of govern-
                   ments both of the Left and of the Right. For the substance of
                   economic Reaganism continued under Clinton, and that of
                   economic Thatcherism under Blair. As a Conservative member
                   of the British House of Lords, updating Milton for the twenty-
                   first century, observed shortly after the 2001 general election:
                   ‘New Labour was but old Thatcherism writ large’ (Gilmour, 2001,
                   p. 16). Both in Australia and in New Zealand, this shift towards
                   neo-liberalism was actually initiated by the Labor Party.
                      There is in utilitarianism, moreover, not only a theory of the
                   market and of the state, but also a quite explicit theory of culture.
                   The Canadian political philosopher C.B. Macpherson described
                   utilitarianism as a ‘theory of possessive individualism’, and
                   argued that from Hobbes onwards it had presupposed a model
                   of ‘possessive market society’. In such a society, Macpherson
                   explained, ‘individuals are free to expend their energies, skills and
                   goods as they will’; they ‘are not given or guaranteed, by the
                   state or the community, rewards appropriate to their social func-
                   tions’; and they ‘seek to get the most satisfaction they can for a
                   given expenditure’ (Macpherson, 1962, p. 51). It requires only the
                   further postulate that objects of cultural preference, be they
                   literary genres or religious doctrines, can be treated as commod-
                   ities for sale in the marketplace to lead us to the conclusion that
                   every individual is entitled to whatever cultural pleasures they
                   might please, for so long as they are practically procurable in the
                   cultural marketplace. Thus each person becomes their own
                   church or court. Or as Bentham had it: ‘push-pin is of equal value
                   with... poetry’ (Bentham, 1962, p. 253).
                      Such strictly Benthamite utilitarianisms implicitly endorse the
                   reduction of cultural values to the level of the marketable
                   commodity. But if this is the logical terminus of any consistent
                   cultural utilitarianism, it is not easily arrived at by those who
                   believe in notions of traditional cultural value such as are typically
                   sustained by the churches, the education system, and so on. Nor

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