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                                      Contemporary Cultural Theory



                   social stability. Hence the famous formula: ‘State = political
                   society + civil society, in other words hegemony protected by the
                   armour of coercion’ (Gramsci, 1971, p. 263). The term ‘hegemony’
                   here refers to something very similar to Weber’s legitimate
                   authority: to the permeation throughout the whole of society of
                   a system of values and beliefs supportive of the existing ruling
                   class. This is, in effect, a value consensus, and one very often
                   embodied in commonsense, but constructed, however, in the
                   interests of the ruling class.
                      ‘The intellectuals’, Gramsci argued, ‘are the dominant group’s
                   “deputies” exercising the subaltern functions of social hegemony
                   and political government’ (p. 12). They are not in themselves an
                   autonomous and independent social class, but rather, the ‘func-
                   tionaries’ of the superstructures. Gramsci distinguished between
                   ‘organic’ intellectuals, that is, the type of intellectual that each
                   major social class creates for itself so as to ‘give it homogeneity
                   and an awareness of its own function’ (p. 5), and ‘traditional’
                   intellectuals, that is, ‘categories of intellectuals already in existence
                   . . . which seem to represent... historical continuity’ (p. 7). Intel-
                   lectuals of the latter type, most importantly the clergy, but also
                   administrators, scholars and scientists, theorists and philosophers
                   affect a certain autonomy from the dominant social classes, but
                   it is an autonomy that is ultimately illusory. For Gramsci himself,
                   the central political problem was that of the creation of a layer
                   of organic working-class intellectuals capable of leading their
                   class in the battle for counter-hegemony. But in his own work,
                   and even more so in that of subsequent Gramscians, the substan-
                   tive focus very easily slides towards the explanation of an
                   apparently impregnable bourgeois hegemony. If hegemony is
                   never in principle either uncontested or indefinite, it can quite
                   often come to appear both.



                   THE FRANKFURT SCHOOL


                   From Marx, the Frankfurt School inherited the theory of ideol-
                   ogy and a model of capitalism as exploitative and oppressive;
                   from Weber, a suspicion of rationalism and a diagnosis of

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