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154  Citizenship


                        others. Nevertheless, her most compelling argument for the presence of
                        women in the political process is that, because women share certain expe-
                        riences, they will articulate views which would not otherwise be heard.
                        This argument makes little sense without the assumption that women
                        share a certain perspective which makes them different from men, even

                        though Phillips qualifies her argument by saying that there are no guar-
                        antees that this is the case (Nash,  1997 ). She is, then, arguing for special
                        political rights for women on the grounds that there  may  be a real, though
                        not necessarily natural, difference between the sexes.
                            The essentialist assumptions of Phillips ’ s argument for political rights
                        are clear in contrast to the more resolutely anti - essentialist position of
                        Judith Butler  (1993) . In her view,  any  use of the term  “ women ”  to des-
                        ignate a social group is misguided. In terms of the distinction articulated
                        by Fuss, she argues against real  and  nominalist essentialism. Butler main-
                        tains that  “ women ”  does not exist outside performances which bring the
                        identity into practice. Any representation of women as an existing social
                        group, in feminist debates and in the campaigns of the women ’ s move-
                        ment, just as much as in more obviously repressive instances of the use
                        of the term, is actually productive of that categorization rather than the
                        representation of a given reality.
                            According to Butler, the reification and regulation of gender relations

                        produced in discourse are precisely what feminists should militate against.
                        Far from arguing for political rights for women, since  “ the feminist
                        subject turns out to be discursively constituted by the very political system
                        that is supposed to facilitate its emancipation  …  an uncritical appeal
                        to such a system for the emancipation of  ‘ women ’  will be clearly self -
                          defeating ”  (Butler,  1990 : 2). Feminists should be concerned rather to
                        disrupt and problematize the use of the term  “ women ”  wherever possible
                        in order to overturn the  “ heterosexist matrix ”  which requires the duality
                        of the sexes. Butler ’ s work has been as influential in queer theory as in

                        feminist theory and we will return to this point in the following section.
                        For the moment, however, it is important to note that, for Butler, and for
                        other post - structuralist feminists, the invocation of  “ women ”  for political
                        purposes makes such a goal impossible. It contributes to the rigidity of the
                        sexual division by foreclosing in advance the emergence of new identities
                        which could transform or expand existing sexual differences. In this way,
                        feminism is part of the problem because it contributes to the reifi cation of
                        sexual difference rather than to the dissolution of the problem itself.
                            Phillips ’ s proposals and Butler ’ s arguments against any feminist
                        representation of women as a social group illustrate the polarity of femi-
                        nist views in the current debates on essentialism. There is no obvious
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