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Changing Definitions of Politics and Power 7

                    Marxist, Gramsci was committed to the belief that ideological struggle is
                    grounded in class struggle; he, therefore, argued that there must always
                    be a single unifying principle in every hegemonic formation and that this
                    can only be given by a fundamental economic class. As Laclau and Mouffe
                    ( 1985 : 69) point out, this is not just to say that, ultimately, the economy
                    determines politics, but also to see the economy itself as outside hege-
                    mony, as somehow naturally given and non - political. As they argue, this
                    means that there is nothing for Marxists to do but identify the direction
                    in which the economy is heading; there is no possibility of political inter-
                    vention, or even of effective class struggle, in the domain that really
                    matters to Marxists, the economy. In their view, Gramsci limited the
                    scope of politics in that it should be seen as fundamental to the founding
                    and contestation of any social order whatsoever. Gramsci ’ s model is also
                    limited in that, seeing politics as ultimately rooted in class struggle, it
                    cannot give suffi cient weight to social movements organized around
                    gender, race, sexual politics, the environment, and so on. However, to
                    reject economic determinism and the centrality of the class struggle is to
                    go beyond Marxism altogether.
                         Similar issues arise in the work of Althusser. Although his project was
                    to rescue Marxism from economism, insofar as it remains within the
                    Marxist framework, economism cannot be avoided. Althusser maintained
                    that the state should be seen as relatively autonomous of the economic
                    base. However, his theory of the state is better described as  “ functional-
                    ist, ”  rather than in terms of Dunleavy and O ’ Leary ’ s arbiter model.
                    Although he insists that political structures have their own laws of devel-
                    opment, there is no discussion of class confl ict at this level; the state is
                    fully implicated in the logic of capitalism, where it functions to reproduce
                    the mode of production (Dunleavy and O ’ Leary,  1987 : 255). As Althusser
                    sees it, the state is relatively autonomous of the economic base because,
                    although the economy determines  “ in the last instance, ”  it does so by
                    determining another level of the mode of production as dominant accord-

                    ing to the specificity of the mode of production: in feudalism, religion is
                    dominant; in capitalism, the state. Furthermore, since the capitalist mode
                    of production requires the state to reproduce its conditions of existence,
                    there is a reciprocal determination between the economic and political
                    levels; the last instance of economic determination never arrives since the
                    economy is itself formed by the political (Althusser,  1971 ).
                         Insofar as Althusser ’ s theory of the state is functionalist, it has been
                    criticized as involving a sophisticated form of economic reductionism. The
                    problem is that, if the economy is determining in the last instance, then
                    whatever the form and dynamic of contingent, actually existing capitalist
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